Chairs: Tiziana Corda, Angelo Panaro, Alessandra Russo

The Section “Political Regimes and Transitions” sees, for the third consecutive year, the collaboration and synergies of the Standing Groups “Political Regimes” and “Russia and the Post-Soviet Space”. The Section aims to bring together researchers who, drawing on different perspectives (e.g. comparative politics, international relations, political theory, area studies) and employing  a plurality of methodologies (both quantitative and qualitative), study democratic and non-democratic regimes, global and regional trends of democratization, democratic backsliding and autocratization, including their determinants, modes, and consequences, as well as their relations to foreign policy-making and to local/international dimensions. While the Section adopts a comparative perspective, different area specialisms and single-case studies are warmly encouraged.

Within this admittedly broad framework, we encourage the submission of panel proposals addressing one or more research topics from the following non-exhaustive list:

• The comparative study of political regimes, with a focus on institutions, public policies, and socio-economic performance;
• Theoretical and conceptual approaches to the study of political regimes, engaging with contemporary debates on the challenges and future of democracy, including the transnational expansion of nationalisms, populisms and illiberal political practices;
• The assessment of the quality of democracy, reflecting on different theoretical approaches and measurement strategies;
• The examination of the functioning of contemporary authoritarian regimes and their survival strategies;
• The study of the dynamics of regime change, and other forms of regime transformation;
• The analysis of the impact of regime change and transformations on public policies and development;
• Patterns and determinants of regime stability, survival and succession;
• The study of democratic resilience and the strategies of resistance to autocratization;
• The study of the sub-national and supranational dimensions of democratization and autocratization;
• International trends of democratic backsliding, and international mechanisms and practices of democracy promotion and protection;
• The international dimension of authoritarianism, including the contestation of liberal-democratic norms and institutions.

Chairs: Marco Almagisti, Antonio Campati, Diego Giannone, Damiano Palano

This Section aims to collect proposals for panels and papers that seek to reflect, in a general sense, on the role, methods and contribution of political theory and political history in political science.
The complexity of contemporary political phenomena, at the national, supranational and international levels, increasingly encourages a return to theoretical models and approaches capable of classifying, understanding, explaining and describing an era of profound transformations. In other words, it proposes once again the centrality of concepts and their construction. Furthermore, the historical orientation of the field of political theory promotes an understanding of how abstractions, questions and problems have developed over time.
The contribution of political theory and political history to political science thus seems essential, both for its intrinsic heuristic power and for the possibility of fostering fruitful encounters between models and “conceptualizations” of politics, on the one hand, and empirical approaches and qualitative and quantitative methodologies, on the other.
In this sense, contemporary political phenomena can be reread and interpreted through the lens of theory and conceptual development, key aspects – as Sartori teaches us – for political science. A possible intersection that includes, by way of example, key concepts and categories of political thought, including – but not limited to – freedom, equality, the theory and practice of  representation, types of democracy, the state, ideology, technocracy, nationalism, populism, the nature of the European Union, citizenship, the political regimes of international institutions and their role, or issues of war and peace.
Moreover, a rethinking of the contribution of classical approaches to politics to the understanding of political phenomena seems imperative today. Think, for example, of the continuing contribution of realism, the crisis of (neo)liberalism, Marxism (e.g. in relation to the state), social constructivism or postcolonial approaches.
The section therefore encourages panel and paper proposals that highlight the critical role of political theory and political history in political science. For example, proposals might include:
– the key concepts of political theory (‘politics’, ‘power’, ‘representation’, ‘legitimacy’, ‘democracy’, etc.);
– the historical reconstruction and genealogy of particular concepts or theories;
– the ‘macro-political’ theoretical models;
– the methods of concept construction;
– the relations between empirically oriented political theory and the traditions of political thought and political philosophy;
– the relationship between political theory and research methods;
– the relevance of the ‘classics’ of political thought (ancient, modern and contemporary) for political science research;
– Empirically-oriented areas and issues. E.g. technocracy, populism, crisis of democracy.

– the different trajectories of political and economic development at the national and local levels;
– the comparative perspective needed to place national contexts in a spatial and temporal dimension of change, in which international phenomena interact with national and local developments.

Chairs: Elisabetta De Giorgi, Selena Grimaldi, Enrico Borghetto

Contemporary representative democracies are often conceptualised as chains of delegation relationships that connect citizens to the political system. Along the chain, citizens delegate decision-making powers to elected representatives sitting in legislative assemblies and to the members of the executive. Political office-holders are in turn made accountable to citizens through a variety of instruments among which political parties are prominent, especially in parliamentary systems. This conceptual framework places primary emphasis on classical themes such as the quality of electoral representation, the degree of policy congruence between citizens and political elites, the functioning of political institutions and the nature of executive-legislative relations. Along with these topics, there is a growing scholarly literature focusing on non-electoral forms of representation. This section is devoted to the analysis of both classical and emerging topics related to parliaments, governments and representation, at sub-national, national and supranational level. We welcome panels examining the relationship between citizens and the political elite – candidates, members of parliament (MPs), party leaders –, the careers of politicians, the behaviour of (elected and prospective) parliamentarians, the internal organization of parliaments, issue-politics in parliament, the legislative process, executive-legislative relations, executive politics and non-electoral forms of representation. We additionally encourage panels on institutions such as courts. Panels on the consequences of the various crises – economic, migration, health, military crises – that have impacted on democracies in recent years are also welcome. This section is open to panels that focus on the Italian political system as well as to those that adopt a comparative approach.
Panels may focus on – but are not limited to – the following topics.

Citizens and political elites
Political representation is a particularly complex and multifaceted concept, as politicians can connect to citizens in many ways. Elected and prospective MPs represent their voters not only through constituency work and the provision of resources for the district, but also by behaving in a responsive manner to voters’ opinions. For this reason, the study of the attitudinal correspondence between citizens and politicians still constitutes a major topics for scholars interested in representation. Analysing policy congruence between voters and politicians is an especially promising line of research in light of the crises that have recently hit European democracies.

Political careers
Italian political scientists have devoted a great deal of attention to the study of political careers. Much has changed since the days when Giovanni Sartori analysed the biographical characteristics of the Italian parliamentarians. The availability of new online data on candidates, parliamentarians and holders of executive posts in local, regional, national and supranational institutions opens new opportunities to study career trajectories within and across different institutional settings.

Legislative behaviour
The topic of legislative behaviour is a classical one, and has often been connected to the study of intra-party politics and electoral incentives. Two innovations are revitalising these studies: on the one hand, the availability of new data on legislative and non-legislative activities and methodological advances have opened virtually unlimited possibilities for eager analysts; on the other hand, a new lively debate on the factors influencing legislative behaviour has recently developed. The old divide between those looking at social norms and values and those considering politicians as purely rational actors has given way to a more constructive effort to understand how the logic of appropriateness and the logic of consequentiality may interact.

Internal organisation of parliaments
The study of the internal organisation of the parliament has a long tradition in Italy, especially with regard to the peculiarities of Italian bicameralism and the role of legislative committees. However, a lot of work is still to be done in this subfield. As parliaments are institutional bodies that evolve over time, existing systematic comparisons across political systems need to be updated. Moreover, the Italian case offers a number of extremely interesting topics to be addressed: among others, the revisions of the standing orders, the evolution of the (once so powerful) legislative committees, and the impact of the recent reduction in the number of MPs on the functioning of the two chambers.

Issue-politics in parliament
According to the issue-competition literature, political parties compete by mainly emphasising issues on which they enjoy an advantage over their political opponents. While issue competition was originally studied by analysing party manifestos, recent works have also started shedding light on how and why parties distribute issue attention in the period between elections and, more specifically, while fulfilling their representative role in parliament. Studying the content of parliamentary questions, bills, laws, decrees and speeches has become one of the most promising ways to investigate issue competition beyond the electoral context.

Legislative process
As highlighted by an extensive and ever-growing research programme on policymaking in multi-party systems, the legislative process mainly serves as a venue where the members of governing coalitions manage their day-to-day relationships and reach policy compromises. The availability of a huge volume of online data on legislative processes and outputs now allows scholars to investigate several topics in this subfield by adopting a large-N design. Some examples are analyses of the patterns of cooperation, competition and conflict among actors (belonging to the government and/or the opposition), works on the consequences of fragmentation in parliament, the study of how different preferences in the two chambers shape legislative outcomes, and analyses of legislative production in times of crisis.

Executive-legislative relations
Since the beginning of the 21th century European politics has been shaken by several crises such as the Great Recession, the migration crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine-Russia war. While the first two have changed the content of political competition and increased polarisation, the third one is believed to have fundamentally altered the equilibrium between parliaments and governments. The pandemic has contributed to an expansion of executive powers to the detriment of accountability mechanisms, weakening parliamentary representatives’ oversight and policy-making capacities. However, there are signs that legislatures have been able to react, innovating their (sometimes) old-fashioned procedures. As for the Ukraine-Russia war, the impact of this shock on executive-legislative relations is still to be investigated in depth.

Executive politics
Executives are prominent in ordinary policymaking – especially in parliamentary democracies – and play a leading role in managing crises. Although topics such as the lifecycle of cabinets and the output of government activity have been extensively studied in the comparative literature, many aspects of executive politics are still to be explored. For example, the governance phase has received far less attention than the stages of government formation and termination. Moreover, our knowledge can be well improved regarding patterns of ministerial stability and personnel continuity between cabinets. Also, the role of technocrats and technocratic expertise in decision-making processes has to be further investigated, especially in the context of the recent crises.

Non-electoral forms of representation
Political theorists have recently emphasised that a representative relation may emerge even outside the electoral context. There is a representative relation whenever someone claims to speak or act on behalf on someone else, provided that such claim is accepted by the relevant audience. Non-electoral representation is very common in democratic systems: social movements and “self-appointed representatives” are typical actors whose aim is to champion a cause without having received a mandate to do so. Non-electoral representation can contribute to the correction of some limitations of the traditional representative institutions and may serve as a preventive force against the hegemonic power of political authorities.

Chairs: Fabio Bordignon, Rossella Rega

Political systems have always evolved in interaction with media systems. Yet the present phase signals more than incremental change. The growing centrality of digital infrastructures and the rapid integration of artificial intelligence into information environments, electoral campaigns, institutional communication, and platform governance are reshaping the structural conditions under which political representation, participation, and public deliberation take place. What is at stake is not simply technological innovation, but a transformation in the communicative architecture and institutional ecology of democracy.

The concentration of economic, technological, and communicative power in a limited number of global digital actors raises fundamental questions about sovereignty, transparency and democratic accountability. When the infrastructures that organise visibility, access to information, and agenda-setting are privately governed and algorithmically structured, the boundaries between political authority and economic power become increasingly blurred. Democratic institutions are thus required to operate within communication environments whose rules they do not fully control. At the same time, alternative models of media and digital governance – including authoritarian configurations – offer competing visions of how communication, control, and legitimacy can be organised in the digital age.

Within this broader structural transformation, emergent phenomena such as generative AI, deepfakes, hybrid disinformation campaigns, data-driven campaigning, and algorithmic microtargeting further complicate the relationship between communication and democracy. These developments do not merely affect the circulation of individual messages; they reshape the epistemic common ground that democratic politics presupposes. Yet digital environments also continue to generate new forms of participation and mobilisation.

At the same time, the restructuring of communication infrastructures has profound implications for the configuration of the public sphere. Processes of polarization, incivility, and the fragmentation of audiences are increasingly intertwined with platform architectures. Digital communication environments can simultaneously expand opportunities for visibility and intensify echo chambers, hate speech, and the circulation of antagonistic narratives, while fostering the emergence of fringe and alternative platforms that operate at the margins of mainstream communicative environments. Understanding how these dynamics reshape democratic mechanisms is central to contemporary research in political communication.

Recent (and forthcoming) electoral cycles – including national, regional, municipal, and constitutional referendum campaigns – provide crucial empirical arenas in which these dynamics can be observed and analysed. Such contexts illuminate how political actors adapt to evolving media logics, how citizens navigate hybrid information environments, and how institutional communication responds to increasing fragmentation, personalization, and platform mediation.

These transformations also demand sustained methodological reflection. Scholars of political communication are confronted with phenomena that challenge established analytical categories and require methodological pluralism: approaches capable of combining qualitative and quantitative methods, computational techniques, as well as fostering dialogue across disciplinary boundaries.

The Standing Group on Political Communication invites panel proposals that address these transformations from diverse theoretical perspectives and empirical approaches. We welcome contributions on electoral communication; platform governance and content moderation; media effects, public opinion, and political behaviour; political leadership and mediated personalization; digital participation and mobilisation; the transformation of the public sphere, including affective polarization, incivility, echo chambers, and the fragmentation of audiences; regulation of the digital sphere; disinformation and hybrid information disorders; AI-driven communication and algorithmic mediation; and the evolving relationship between media systems and political institutions.

Comparative research and interdisciplinary approaches are particularly encouraged. Panels and papers may be presented in Italian or English.

Proposals are expected to fall within the following broad research areas:

Media systems, infrastructures, and democracy

• political systems and media systems
• platform governance and content moderation
• regulation of digital media
• public and institutional communication
• e-democracy
• media and digital governance in hybrid or authoritarian contexts

AI, automation, and the integrity of political discourse

• generative AI and political communication; deepfakes
• algorithmic and manipulation strategies; disinformation campaigns
• epistemic trust, information integrity, and legitimacy in AI-mediated publics
• ethics of political communication in the age of automation and algorithms

Elections, referendum, and campaign transformations

• electoral communication and campaign management (national/regional/local)
• referendums and direct democracy
• data-driven and AI-driven campaigning, microtargeting, and political advertising
• professionalization of electoral campaigns and campaign infrastructures

Transformation of the public sphere, participation, and political behaviour

• digital media and new forms of political participation, mobilisation, and engagement
• media effects on citizens, public opinion, polarization and fragmentation
• echo chambers, (re)intermediation, disintermediation
• political incivility, hate speech, toxicity, conspiracy theories, radicalization processes, and the role of fringe and alternative platforms in political communication

Actors, leadership, and political-cultural dynamics

• political leadership and communication; mediated personalization
• rhetoric, narratives, frames, and storytelling; popularization and celebrity politics
• populist and anti-system communication
• digital parties, movements, and organisational change

Journalism, institutions, and strategic communication

• politics and journalism; news production, agenda-setting, and accountability
• public and institutional communication (including crisis communication)
• scientific communication in political contexts (e.g., health crises)

Internationalisation and conflictual environments

• globalization of political communication
• political communication and digital technologies in international relations and conflicts
• international migration and its narrative(s)
• political communication and climate change

Methods and research innovation

• methods and techniques of data collection/processing in communication studies
• computational methods, platform data, big data, experiments, mixed methods

The section is also open to considering proposals on additional topics related to the field of political communication. Innovative and interdisciplinary approaches that establish dialogue between communication sciences and other disciplines, such as computer science, cultural and media studies, political philosophy, etc., are particularly encouraged.

Chairs: Massimiliano Andretta, Alberto Bitonti, Federica Frazzetta

The section welcomes and invites panel proposals about the transformations that have affected social movements, grassroots political participation, interest groups, politics, lobbying and advocacy in recent years.

In recent years, social movements and interest groups have emerged and operated in a context of intense outbreaks, with the war in Ukraine, the genocide of Palestinians and other geopolitical tensions, together with political conflicts and social crises (from the local to the international level) that are reshaping society worldwide. These mobilisations featured both the emergence and re-emergence of various kinds of old and new collective actors. With a new prominence of regressive movements, nationalist and reactionary governments in Europe and US are targeting women’s reproductive rights, LGBTQ+ community, academic freedom and people on the move with discriminatory and repressive policies. Moreover, the global propensity for rearmament is giving rise to political and economic choices whose consequences are an increase in military spending and the tangible risk of a global military escalation, to the detriment of social policies. In such a context, new possible alliances and arenas of political action open for social movements and interest groups, at all levels. In fact, opposition to war is an issue addressed transversally by territorial movements, labour movements, the transfeminist movement and environmental movement. New mobilizations and transformations of forms of collective action within new repertoires, identities, and solidarities are emerging, linked to the protagonism of the GenZ and the use of digital media and social networking platforms, allowing movements and interest groups to organize and spread their claims. At the same time, the polarization of society as a whole is reflected also in forms of polarization from below (e.g., hate speech, conspiracy theories, fake news, and disinformation).

While policymakers often react with “emergency measures” to crises, social movements refuse the emergency narrative proposed by power holders, recalling the structural nature of such crises, and trying to overturn the perception of the irreversibility of the events. Social movements defend rights that are perceived as at risk, and also suggest other possible solutions and narratives, building networks based on mutual trust and solidarity. Current times are characterised by war and geopolitical tensions, the spread of illiberal governments, climate change, the socio-economic crisis and policies of rearmament. These are all circumstances that affect policy and politics, but they are also struggle fields and opportunities for progressive social movements and counter-movements, as well as for a multitude of interest groups of different kinds (corporate players, labour unions, professional associations, environmentalist organizations and public interest groups, religious groups, etc.), operating at local, national, and international levels.

The section calls for the presentation of panels covering these themes, starting from empirical research reflecting the adequacy of theoretical and methodological tools that were used until now to analyze, understand, and explain these processes. Contributes featuring a comparative analysis approach and special attention to methodology, with mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative) approaches, will be well received.

This section aims to host panels discussing the relationship between social movements, interest groups, and traditional political actors (e.g., political parties), analyzing the processes involved across different stages of the policy and influence-production cycles, in mobilization (looking at the role of organization, violence, fundraising, as well as digital technologies in local, national and transnational mobilizations), lobbying and advocacy (targeting policymakers as well as the larger public opinion), political access, and outcomes in terms of influence and policy.

Panels are welcome, regarding:

• Local and transnational movements, spreading of protest
• Interest groups politics, advocacy and lobbying
• Collective actions against war, genocide and rearmament
• Environmental and urban mobilization
• Labour Conflicts and social movements
• Movements of people on the move and freedom of movement; xenophobic and racist movements
• New and ‘old’ movements and interest groups
• Gender-related movements, anti-gender themes and feminism
• Movements and interest groups turning into parties
• The “game” of influence in specific policy processes
• Methodological and conceptual challenges in studying movements, interest groups, collective action, and influence
• Political participation and new forms of digital activism
• Emotions and social movements
• Framing processes and collective identity in a polarised society
• Repression of collective action
• Arts, politics and movements
• Prefigurative politics and movements
• Communication strategies of movements and interest groups
• Corporate political activities
• Lobbying regulation

Chairs: Laura Polverari, Andrea Terlizzi, Renata Lizzi

In an era marked by global crises and grand challenges — including climate change, energy, digital and industrial transitions, and geopolitical transformations — the capacity of governments to design, implement, and evaluate public policies has become a crucial benchmark for public action. Turbulent contexts challenge established governance models and call for renewed theoretical, analytical, and methodological approaches to policy analysis and public administration.

This Section focuses on the factors and conditions that foster or hinder innovation and learning in policy-making processes at local, national, and supranational levels. It aims to explore how innovative solutions to both long-standing and emerging problems can be identified, tested, and evaluated. Since governmental action does not always produce positive or coherent outcomes, there is a need to critically reassess the potential and limits of policy ideas, instruments, governance arrangements, and forms of citizen participation.

The Section welcomes panel, workshop, and roundtable proposals addressing these issues from diverse theoretical and empirical perspectives. Contributions may focus on, but are not limited to, the following themes:

• Theories of the policy process and future directions of public policy and public administration research
• Behavioral public policy and experimental approaches to public administration
• Policy learning
• Multilevel governance, coordination, and policy coherence
• Deliberative and participatory governance
• Public policy responses to renewed austerity and fiscal constraints
• Social and environmental sustainability in public policies
• The governance, implementation, and evaluation of the Next Generation EU
• The development of major projects (e.g., large-scale infrastructures and mega events)
• Public–private partnerships in policy design and implementation
• Policy advice and evidence-based policy-making
• Evaluation, impact assessment, and performance measurement
• Policy design and strategic foresight
• Administrative capacity building, recruitment, and career development
• Big data, artificial intelligence, and digitalization in decision-making

Proposals may be submitted in Italian or English and efforts will be made to ensure the inclusion of early-career scholars in all panels.

Chairs: Sonia Lucarelli, Andrea Ruggeri

Transformation and change are inherent aspects of both individual and collective life, and international politics is no exception. However, the speed and depth of the changes currently reshaping the international system at all levels are likely unprecedented. Any attempt to characterize the contemporary international order risks being short-lived and falling short of offering a compelling narrative. The notion that the so-called West is in decline is not new—political philosophers have theorized about it for over a century. Yet, interpreting this decline purely in civilizational terms is overly simplistic and inadequate.

As the complexity and uncertainty of the global political and social landscape grow, traditional disciplinary boundaries appear increasingly arbitrary. Even International Relations (IR), despite its global scope, grapples with the challenge of either clinging to outdated paradigms or embracing dystopian and enigmatic portrayals of the world. The fundamental question, therefore, is how IR can effectively interpret, understand, and explain the prevailing dynamics of international politics.

Equally important is the task of discerning the future trajectory of global affairs and the relevance of discussing concepts of order—from the global to the domestic level. This section also seeks to explore whether IR can contribute not only to understanding world politics but also to shaping our cognitive frameworks and practical approaches. To this end, it invites panels and papers that aim to analyse and explain international and transnational politics within today’s uncertain and volatile global context, highlighting IR’s unique contributions.

Chairs: Silvia Bolgherini, Bruno Marino, Vincenzo Emanuele

This section aims to include panels and papers focusing on the three areas corresponding to the interests of the Standing Group “Parties, Public Opinion, and Elections” and the Standing Group “Candidate and Leader Selection”.
Prospective panels and papers may revolve around local, national and supranational elections, be theoretically and/or empirically oriented, adopt quantitative methods (for instance by analyzing survey or aggregate data) as well as qualitative methods, focus on case studies or have a more comparative perspective.
The following (non-exhaustive) list suggests some possible topics for contributions to the section’s activities.

A first approach focuses on party systems and on parties as organizations. The former topic includes the analysis of format, (de)institutionalization, level of polarization, and electoral volatility. The latter entails the examination of party models, party membership, and intraparty democracy (candidate selection, leader selection, intra-party ballots).
A second approach pays attention to candidates and party leaders as (more or less) powerful actors in elections, parties, and institutions (i.e., parliaments or governments, also in connection with the area of research of the personalization of politics).
A third approach focuses on parties as central actors in general elections (e.g., regarding electoral supply or coalition-building strategies) but also in parliaments and governments (i.e, party elites in parliaments and cabinets, MPs’ and ministers’ careers patterns, different patterns of representation, institutional and decisional processes).

We welcome contributions related to different topics. First of all, the study public opinion’ s attitudes towards political issues, public policies, both in electoral and non-electoral times. Second, the causes and consequences of a possible increase in ideological or affective polarization among different groups of citizens.

We are particularly interested in a series of topics related to elections in both democratic and hybrid regimes; electoral campaigns and electoral systems, in connection with candidates’ and parties’ behavior and performance; negative campaigning and its consequences for affective polarization; voting behavior at any territorial level.

Chairs: Giulio Citroni, Stefania Ravazzi

The Federalism, Regional and Local Studies section promotes research and debate on sub-national politics, center-periphery relations, and local and regional public policies. The aim is to foster discussion not only among scholars but also between academics and practitioners on the role of local communities and actors in addressing complex political and policy challenges.

Local contexts are shaped by multiple dynamics that require in-depth political science analysis. Challenges such as the 2008 economic crisis, climate change, demographic shifts, increasing inequalities, health emergencies, natural disasters, refugee movements, and rapid technological changes have significantly impacted sub-national governments, demanding new governance strategies.

Local governments and the polycrisis

Local and regional governments have proven pivotal in the politics and policy-making of measures to manage and contrast the effects of multiple crises: budget cuts, welfare initiatives, local processes of conflict transformation and resolution, all contribute to the environmental and energy transitions, to the consolidation of public finance, to the safeguarding of local economies and livelihoods facing the economic and health crises, migrations and natural disasters alike.

The Role of the European Union

The European Union has an increasingly important role in shaping local policies, both at the regional and urban levels. Cohesion policy remains the EU’s primary investment tool to address territorial disparities, but new initiatives also focus on: efficient resource use and sustainability; the green and digital transition, which, while promising, could deepen inequalities; a place-based approach, promoting integrated territorial development, partnerships, and synergy between EU policies.

Italy’s National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP)

The NRRP, with its large-scale investments, requires every level of Italian public administration to manage funding and interventions effectively, efficiently, and transparently. This calls for: collaboration between public, private, and non-profit actors; integrated policy approaches and improved coordination between institutional levels; strategic administrative capacities, which remain underdeveloped in some areas.

Political Participation & Local Democracy

Local governments are also central to political participation. While Italy has historically seen high voter turnout, recent regional elections in Lombardy and Lazio recorded a significant rise in abstentionism. This raises concerns about growing distrust in political parties and local governance. At the same time, alternative forms of participation are emerging or strengthening, including: volunteerism and civic associations; community-driven initiatives, such as solidarity purchasing groups and energy communities.

The Debate on Differentiated Autonomy

A key issue in the Italian academic and political debate is differentiated autonomy, which raises questions about: solidarity among territories; redistribution of competences and powers; institutional capacities and national cohesion

Call for Papers

The section invites proposals for panels and round tables, in both Italian and English, on topics related to local politics, policies, and governance. Contributions can adopt theoretical, qualitative, or quantitative empirical approaches.

Possible research themes include, but are not limited to:

•       Emerging local policy challenges and the responses adopted by local actors (sustainability and circularity policies, housing policy, mobility policy, education policy, tourism policy etc.)
•       Multi-level governance in urban policies and interactions between institutional actors
•       Innovation in local policymaking, including co-design, co-production, and deliberative practices
•       Crisis governance and the role of local leaders in crisis management and recovery
  •       Local institutional reforms, including territorial reorganization and administrative restructuring
  •       Electoral dynamics and political representation at the local level
  •       Differentiated autonomy and its implications for regional and municipal governance
  •       Local participatory dynamics, from civic activism to social movements
  •       Administrative capacities of local governments and their ability to implement multi-level policies and NRRP projects

  Panels and roundtables are expected to contribute to a deeper understanding of local political dynamics, policy processes, and governance strategies which are essential for both academics and policymakers to navigate present and future challenges.

Chairs: Andrea Vaccaro, Valerio Vignoli

The SISP Section on Methods for Political Science welcomes proposals on all aspects of political methodology. We encourage submissions engaging with both established and emerging methodological traditions, including work that advances political research methods and work that applies them to substantive research questions in any subfield of political science or closely related disciplines. 

We invite proposals on topics such as conceptual and theoretical methods; measurement and data quality; research design and causal inference; survey, field, and natural experiments; statistical and quantitative modelling; computational and data science methods; qualitative, interpretive, and comparative-historical approaches; formal and simulation modelling; spatial and network analysis; mixed- and multi-method research; and transparency, replication, and Open Science practices. 

Submissions that foster dialogue across methodological and epistemological traditions, engage with the Conference theme, and build connections across Sections are particularly welcome. We are also interested in submissions reflecting on the teaching and training of research methods. Proposals for both panels and roundtables will be considered. We strongly encourage submissions from scholars belonging to underrepresented groups in political science and academia more broadly.

Coordinatori e coordinatrici: Igor Guardiancich, Camilla Mariotto, Marco Siddi

Scholars have described the period that began in the second half of 2008 – when the economic and financial crisis hit the EU – as the Union’s “polycrisis.” From the sovereign debt crisis to migration, Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic, and renewed geopolitical conflict in Europe’s neighbourhood, the European Union has faced an unprecedented succession of structural shocks. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine marked a qualitative turning point, bringing war back to the European continent and profoundly reshaping the Union’s foreign, security, energy, and enlargement policies. At the same time, intensifying geoeconomic competition and evolving transatlantic relations—particularly in trade and industrial policy—have added further strain to the EU’s external positioning.

While the EU has demonstrated a significant capacity for adaptation, these crises have accelerated transformations within its institutional architecture and policy output. The consolidation of recovery instruments, the recalibration of fiscal governance, and the strengthening of industrial policy and state aid frameworks signal an evolving balance between market-making and market-correcting integration. Meanwhile, the war in Ukraine has reactivated debates on strategic autonomy, defence integration, and the EU’s role as a geopolitical actor.

The year 2026 represents a critical juncture. The expiry of Next Generation EU reopens debates on joint borrowing, conditionality, and the long-term prospects of a common fiscal capacity. In parallel, negotiations on the post-2027 Multiannual Financial Framework are expected to trigger intense intergovernmental bargaining over budgetary priorities, including cohesion policy, defence spending, industrial competitiveness, climate transition, and enlargement-related costs. These debates raise broader questions about solidarity, fiscal integration, and the balance between supranational authority and Member State control.

Security and defence policy stand at the centre of this reconfiguration. The strengthening of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy through the White Paper for European Defence – Readiness 2030, new joint procurement initiatives, and efforts to build a more integrated European defence industrial base coexist with persistent national divergences and the continuing centrality of NATO. The long-term military, financial, and political support for Ukraine—alongside reconstruction planning and accession prospects—poses complex challenges for interinstitutional coordination and intergovernmental cohesion.

At the same time, EU commercial policy is undergoing significant recalibration. Trade and industrial relations with the United States have become increasingly politicised, shaped by disputes over subsidies, green industrial policy, supply chains, and technological sovereignty. The interaction between EU strategic autonomy, open trade commitments, and transatlantic cooperation constitutes a key arena of institutional and political negotiation, involving the Commission, the Council, and the European Parliament.

Institutionally, the EU’s equilibrium remains fluid. The centrality of the European Council in crisis management and strategic agenda-setting, shifting coalitional dynamics in the European Parliament, and the politicisation of the Commission contribute to redefining interinstitutional relations. Informal governance practices and ad hoc instruments coexist with Treaty-based procedures, while discussions on differentiated integration and multi-speed Europe gain renewed salience in light of enlargement and defence cooperation.

Against this backdrop, the section aims to analyse, interpret, and explain—through diverse theoretical perspectives and methodological approaches—the ongoing transformation of the EU political system. Particular attention will be devoted to interinstitutional relations, intergovernmental bargaining, fiscal and budgetary politics, security and defence integration, commercial policy, and the broader implications of geopolitical pressures for European integration. The section welcomes theoretically informed and empirically grounded contributions focusing on EU institutions, actors, and public policies within a multi-level governance framework.

Contributions may address, inter alia:

• the legacy of Next Generation EU and debates on a permanent EU fiscal capacity;
• negotiations over the post-2027 Multiannual Financial Framework and distributive conflicts among Member States;
• the EU’s response to Russia’s war against Ukraine, including military support, reconstruction, and enlargement prospects;
• the development of EU security and defence cooperation, defence-industrial integration, and relations with NATO;
• the recalibration of EU commercial and industrial policy, particularly in relation to the United States;
• interinstitutional relations and power shifts between the Commission, the European Parliament, the Council of the EU, and the European Council;
• the evolving balance between supranational and intergovernmental governance;
• differentiated integration and proposals for a multi-tier or two-speed Europe;
• enlargement and its institutional and budgetary implications;
• political contestation and narratives about the EU in domestic public spheres;
• Italy’s role in the European Union.

The section seeks to foster debate on whether the EU is moving towards deeper fiscal, security, and political integration, consolidating a differentiated and flexible architecture, or reasserting stronger intergovernmental control in an increasingly contested and geopolitically constrained environment.

Chairs: Francesca Feo, Anna Lavizzari

• Methodological and epistemological innovations in the study of gender, sexuality, and intersectionality
• Feminist theory and its contributions to political analysis
• Power, political representation, and intersectionality
• Gendered dynamics within political parties and electoral politics
• Gender and intersectional perspectives on political and representative institutions
• Democratic backsliding, anti-gender politics, and authoritarianism
• Gender (in)equalities and public policy, including welfare, labor, migration, and care policies
• LGBTIQ+ rights, queer politics, and sexuality in comparative perspective
• Reproductive politics and bodily autonomy
• Digital politics, online harassment, and gendered hate speech
• Social movements, feminist and LGBTQI+ activism, and processes of politicization
• Gender-based and sexual violence in political and institutional contexts
• Masculinities and politics
• Gender, intersectionality, and sexuality in Higher Education
• Gender and feminist perspectives in International Relations and global governance
• Decolonial, postcolonial, and Global South perspectives on gender and politics

Chairs: Susanna Pagiotti, Valeria Resta

Despite an evident trend of secularization worldwide, religion has recently re-gained the momentum in the political arena, both in the domestic and in the international field. The changing political context, now marked by the rise of populism, the lack of trust in political institutions along with changed forms of political participation and the global crisis of democracy have been accompanied by a renewed prominent role of religion in the public sphere.

The renewed visibility of religion in contemporary politics has become a central theme for political science and not only, not because it signals a reversal of secularization, but because it reshapes how power, legitimacy, and collective identities are constructed in the public sphere. Across many democracies, the long‑standing assumption that modernization would confine religion to the private realm no longer holds. Instead, religious symbols, narratives, and actors have re‑entered political arenas at a moment marked by institutional distrust, democratic fatigue, and the rise of populist movements. This convergence has turned religion into a strategic resource for political mobilization and a site of contestation over the meaning of citizenship, national identity, and public authority. As a result, the patterns of politicization and participation across the religious cleavage are now blurring and becoming uncertain, in some cases we are witnessing to a complete reversal.

In parallel, also the way religion is present in the public debate considering changes in the media ecosystem and in particular the rise of social media platforms and AI is also impacting on the very structures of religious organizations and how, in turn, these interact with, in and upon the public sphere. Understanding these developments requires examining how religion interacts with contemporary transformations of political participation, communication, and representation.

Based on this background, the section aims to stimulate an interdisciplinary discussion on the role and meanings of religion within the transformation of contemporary political systems with a comparative perspective. Within this broad framework, the section therefore encourages proposals for panels and papers useful for investigating and problematizing the relationship between religion and politics by addressing one or more research topics from the following non-exhaustive list:

– Public role of religions

– Use of religious symbols/discourses in politics

– Religion, politics and marketing

– Religion and political participation

– Religion and populism

– Churches and political parties

– Religion and (social) media

– Religion and gender

– Religious pluralism

– Religion, rights and freedoms

– Religion and education

– Transnational religious movements

– Religion and international politics

– Religious mobilization and authority between war and peace

– Religious extremism, radicalization and de-radicalization

The Section, promoted by the SISP Standing Groups “Politics and Religion”, fosters interactions and collaborations with scholars from different disciplines, in the logic of an interdisciplinary approach to the topic and contaminations between disciplines. Panels and papers may be in Italian or in English. Panels may include contributions either with a theoretical perspective or empirical analysis. Methodologically, both qualitative and quantitative research approaches as well as contributions based on mixed-methods research designs are welcomed. In addition, panel proposals that present a comparative perspective are particularly encouraged.

Chairs: Paolo Foradori e Stefano Palestini Céspedes

How do ongoing changes in the international order affect the way in which we conceptualize and study security? Are these changes generating new security challenges and threats? At first glance, several norms and institutions that have underpinned the international security environment since 1945 – such as the transatlantic alliance and global players’ commitment to UN Charter principles – appear to be weakening. These developments have fuelled a widespread perception of crisis and profound change. Yet, the transformative character of these changes should not be overstated. The concept of security, as well as the nature of security
challenges and threats, has always been contested. While some developments appear novel, such as the rise of Artificial Intelligence and other disruptive technologies, others seem rather like a “jump back to the past”, including the resurgence of geopolitics and great-power competition, revealing enduring structural dynamics of international politics.

The panels in this section aim to critically discuss these questions by discerning the elements of change from those of continuity and by identifying which changes are structural and which are conjunctural. Some of the key issues to be addressed include:

– Security and the erosion of international regimes and institutions; 
– Global South perspectives on security; 
– The evolution and adaptation of traditional and critical approaches; 
– Gender perspectives on security; 
– Security, illiberalism and the rise of authoritarian regimes;
– The (re)new(ed) relevance of nuclear weapons;
– Disruptive technologies and new developments in cybersecurity;
– Environmental security, health security, societal and cultural security…