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SISP Conference 2023

SISP2023 Sections and Panels

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Section 9 - Regional Studies and Local Policies

Managers: Giorgia Nesti, Stefania Ravazzi

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The Section for Regional Studies and Local Policies promotes the research and analysis on the topics of sub-national politics, center-periphery relations, and local and regional public policies with the aim to stimulate the debate among scholars but also between academics and practitioners on the role of local communities and actors in solving complex policy challenges.
Local contexts are at the intersection of complex dynamics that merit to be deeply investigated from a political science perspective. Indeed, the 2008 economic crisis, climate change, ageing population, growing economic and social inequalities, the Covid-19 pandemic and health emergencies, natural disasters, the refugee crisis, and technological development have posed new and pressing challenges to sub-national governments.
The European Union is performing an increasing relevant role in defining the local agenda both at the regional and at the urban level. Regional policy still represents the EU’s main investment policy targeted to overcome territorial disparities. But old and new policy problems and, in particular, the green, digital and demographic transitions may exacerbate existing inequalities and produce new ones. Cohesion policy aspires to help European regions and cities solve these problems, but it also calls them to adopt a placed-based approach fostering integrated territorial development, partnerships, and investments, and enhancing complementarities among other EU policies.
Moreover, the implementation of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP), with its huge investments in several policy sectors, requires every level of the Italian public administration to be able to effectively, efficiently and transparently manage funding and interventions.
Regional and local authorities are, therefore, called to put in place collaborative arrangements between public administration and profit and non-profit actors, integrated policy approaches, and coordination processes between institutional levels, that require strategic administrative capacities which are in some respect underdeveloped in Italy.
Regions and Municipalities are also the primary locus of political participation. In Italy electoral turnout has been high for decades but the recent elections in the regions Lombardy and Lazio saw a dramatic increase in abstentionism. And many commentators are wondering if this result is ushering a new season of distrust in traditional parties and in local governance. In the meanwhile, other forms of participation at the local level, like for instance volunteerism and civic associationism, are consolidating and new ones linked, for instance, to consumption, like solidarity purchasing groups or energy communities, are emerging.
Finally, an interesting topic in Italy in the academic debate about local politics is the re-launch of the debate on autonomy – an issue strongly supported by the League in Veneto and Lombardy but also by the Democratic Party in Emilia-Romagna. After the consultative referendum in 2017 the draft law by Senator Calderoli on differentiated autonomy is going to raise a sharp debate about solidarity among territories, reallocation of competences and powers among institutional levels and related potential conflicts, administrative capacities, and citizens rights.
Against this backdrop, a deep knowledge of local political dynamics, policy processes, actors’ relationships, and policy tools is particularly urgent, for both policy-makers and academics, in order to solve present and future complex challenges.
The Section invites proposals for panels and round tables, in Italian and English, that address issues related to local politics, local policies and local governance, in a national and/or comparative perspective, adopting a theoretical or a qualitative and/or a quantitative empirical approach.
A list of possible – but not exhaustive – research topics is the following:

The study of single or comparative case studies of policymaking in urban policy areas – such as environmental sustainability, housing, mobility, care, education, commerce, tourism, etc. – in their substantive components: agenda-setting, formulation, implementation analysis, and impact assessment.
The analysis of emerging policy problems at the local level, of their potential impact on local communities, the challenges they pose to local policymakers, and the solution adopted to cope with them by local actors.
The analysis of urban policies from a multi-level governance perspective with a particular focus on the type of relationships that could emerge among different institutional actors and the threats and opportunities engendered by multi-level settings.
The study of policy-design and the description and analysis of policy tools adopted by local policy-makers to implement urban policies aimed at addressing complex social, economic, and environmental challenges.
Innovation in local policy-making processes and the adoption of innovative and experimental approaches to policy formulation and implementation, including devices and processes of policy and services co-design and co-production among different actors, creative conflict management processes and deliberative practices.
The development of crisis governance from a multi-level and decentralized perspective in urban policy areas, the role of local policy actors and political leaders in crisis management and in prevention and recovery policies.
Local institutional reforms, from processes of territorial rescaling and reorganization of peripheral units in various public administration sectors (e.g. health, education, local public services) to local government reforms.
The description of mechanisms adopted to select the local political class, the description and analysis of the characteristics of the elected political class the analysis of the outcomes of electoral competitions, of party dynamics emerging between the local and the national level, of vote behavior at the local level, the description and analysis of council formation processes.
The debate about differentiated autonomy and its potential impacts on the redistribution of competences between Regions and Municipalities, on institutional capacities, and on national cohesion.
The study of political participatory dynamics at the local level with particular reference to membership in regional parties, adhesion to social movements, civic activism, volunteerism, and associationism.
The analysis of local public administration characteristics and administrative capacities, and their appropriateness to cope with old and new policy problems, to manage multi-level policies, and to implement NRRP interventions.
 

Panel 9.1 The asylum ‘crises’ as catalysts for change? Policy innovation in subnational migrant reception and integration in Italy and Southern Europe (I)


Migration to Southern Europe and specifically to Italy has for a long time been marked by a distinctive pattern combining migrants’ weak legal status with economic and social marginality. ‘Wanted but not welcomed’, Non-European migrant workers for many years could easily find informal and low-qualified jobs in the agriculture sector, constructions, or the care sector, while facing harsh challenges when seeking to obtain the status of permanent residents, citizenship or other forms of recognition as full members of the receiving societies.
In the last two decades, the arrival of thousands of asylum-seekers and humanitarian migrants from areas of political crises have considerably changed this pattern, downplaying economic utility considerations and labour market needs and bringing to the fore issues of reception and welcoming. These more recent ‘unwanted migrants’ have not necessarily also been ‘not welcomed’. During the 2015 European ‘asylum crisis’, the reception of migrants has often represented a laboratory for political and social innovation, particularly at the regional and local levels. In other words, the 2015 ‘asylum crisis’ and more recently, the arrival of thousands of Ukrainian refugees, have acted as catalysts for change in subnational migration and asylum policies and practices, opening a window of opportunity for social experimentation and the emergence of new paths and spaces of innovation.
This panel aims at exploring such paths and spaces. It welcomes contributions proposing theoretical-conceptual elaborations and original empirical analyses of innovative policies and practices of migrant reception and integration in Italy or other Southern European countries – particularly focusing on the local and regional levels – including case-studies and comparative qualitative and/or quantitative analyses.
A non-exclusive list of topics that are particularly welcome include:
- Regional and local level governance networks favouring innovative practices and policies of reception.
- Policy networks and intermediary venues promoting innovative approaches to migrants’ reception and integration.
- The impact of political ideology and polarization on processes and practices of policy innovation.
- Cross-country and transnational policy learning processes, also at different levels of governance.

Chairs: Tiziana Caponio, Andrea Pettrachin

Discussants: Leila Hadj Abdou

Mobilising the immigration/development nexus through migrant reception. Insights from rural and peripheral areas in Italy
Federico Rossi
Abstract
Rural and peripheral localities in Italy have long been immigration destinations, but they recently experienced a huge diversification of flows, following the transformation of old patterns, such as the settlement of seasonal labour immigration, and the emergence of new dynamics, among which the (re)settlement of asylum seekers and refugees particularly stands out (Balbo 2015; Barberis, Pavolini 2015; Galera et al. 2018; Morén-Alegret, Wladycka 2020; Ponzo, Carbone, De Gregorio 2023). Indeed, these places become relevant in migrant reception mainly thanks to dispersal or relocation policies of asylum seekers and refugees, which increasingly move centres and facilities to peripheral areas (Kordel, Weidinger, Jelen 2018; Semprebon, Pelacani 2020; Caponio, Donatiello, Ponzo 2021). Such strategy has been carried out both with top-down measures through the creation of Centres of Extraordinary Reception (CAS) and following to bottom-up response of municipalities or other local actors to the incentives inherent to the System of Reception and Integration (SAI), creating a variety of reception conditions and approaches. At the same time, academic scholarship starts to point out that, in the context of the intertwined socio-economic and demographic crises characterising a large part of these localities, such new immigration flows may represent an opportunity to mobilise an immigration/development nexus, which can allow these places to take advantage of migrant relocation. For instance, potential benefits identified in national and international literature include repopulation, the creation of new jobs in reception centres, the fulfilment of the local workforce demand or the revitalisation of declining economic sectors, the improvement of public service sustainability and the use of immigration-related diversity as an asset in itself (Fonseca 2008; Gretter et al. 2017; Perlik, Membretti 2018; Sampedro, Camarero 2018; Driel 2020). However, in all these cases, the mobilisation of the immigration/development nexus cannot be separated from the adoption of public policies, which necessarily involve a plurality of different public and non-public actors in all contexts and particularly in rural and peripheral ones, where the lack of resources and skills represent a strong incentive for networks’ creation. This policymaking structure can thus be fruitfully read through the lens of Multi-Level Governance (Caponio, Borkert 2010; Campomori, Caponio 2017) and, more specifically, through the concept of battlefield of immigration policies (Campomori, Ambrosini 2020; Ambrosini 2021), which allow to look at how reception and immigrant policies and social innovation in this field can emerge through cooperation, negotiation or conflict between a set of public and non-public actors. Therefore, the present work focuses on if and how policymakers of rural and peripheral municipalities plan to mobilise the immigration/development nexus at the local level through the reception of asylum seekers and refugees. In particular, it firstly offers a general overview of asylum seekers and refugees’ reception and the adoption of immigrant policies within rural and peripheral areas in Italy, combining Istat, Ministry of the Interior, Centri d’Italia and RETESAI data. Then, the article moves more in depth in the analysis of if and how local immigrant and reception policies are framed by policymakers into development strategies and what their actual contents are through semi-structured interviews with mayors or councillors with management responsibilities and document analysis of local policy documents in 30 selected Italian municipalities. These have been chosen among localities classified as rural in Eurostat typology and inner according to the National Strategy for Inner Areas and which have joined SAI or CAS reception, by also trying to maintain the balance in terms of territorial distribution between North, Centre and South. Interviews and documents have been both coded following three-step abductive analysis (Timmermans, Tavory 2012; Vila-Henninger et al. 2022). Results show that development objectives are frequently implied when the choice to join the reception system comes from municipalities, but also that these aims can emerge in a second moment as a way to deal with top-down relocation of reception centres. Moreover, despite often acting in a context of very scarce resources and being not necessarily successful in the realisation of their plans, local policymakers do manage to design reception and immigrant policies including local development perspectives. The lack of resources and the proximity of the local civic society also push many of these localities to create networks with other public and private actors to implement more comprehensive policies. However, cooperation is not the only pattern that emerge and conflict, especially with upper-level institutions, seems also relevant in various matters, such as for the sustainability of these measures. Finally, it is worth noting that framing reception and immigrant policies within the immigration/development nexus is not without consequences for incorporation opportunities of asylum seekers and refugees, since they often introduce or emphasise issues of “deservingness” and “usefulness” that can lead to exclusionary practices.
How do cities learn? Preliminary investigation of political-administrative equilibrium in migration governance in Turin and Capaci, Sicily
Andrea Ricci
Abstract
What is behind the participation of municipalities in transnational municipal networks? Does politics have a prominent position in policy learning processes, or conversely, do bureaucracy and technical departments steer the strategy of city-to-city knowledge exchange? In time, scholars have tried to define what connects policy learning and change (Bennet & Howlett 1992), and several authors have attempted to identify different types of policy learning (Dunlop & Radaelli 2013). The traditional conflict-and-power conception of the policy process (Easton 1953, 1967) has been blurred by the irruption of knowledge and cognition into the equation. Learning, though, started to address the complex relationship between knowledge and power in policymaking (Grin & Loeber 2007). Notwithstanding the tremendous theoretical endeavour in defining policy learning, scarce efforts have been devoted to exploring what happens when municipalities (in the person of their representatives) decide to engage in knowledge-exchange projects and depict political-bureaucratic dynamics at the roots of such acquisition. Introducing the idea that transnational municipal networks are important channels of policy-related knowledge transfer among European municipalities (Betsill & Bulkeley 2004; Kern & Bulkeley 2009; Kübler & Piliutyte 2007; Mocca 2017) and that political-bureaucratic relations are obligatory passage point for undertaking policy learning processes (Heclo 1974; Hall 1988; Rose 1991), this article aims to investigate political-bureaucratic dynamics in two Italian cities, Turin and Capaci, Sicily. These cities have been involved in two European projects sponsored by transnational municipal networks: Connection by Eurocities and Inclucities by the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR). The author will investigate a two-pronged and convergent process. On the one hand, the analysis will shed light on the logic through which networks develop international projects of policy-related knowledge exchange and how they select, involve and support cities. On the other hand, the contribution delves into the decisional process, the technical operations and the political negotiations among stakeholders at the municipal level, and how city-network relations are maintained and perpetuated. Examining the nature of policy learning processes and city-network relations helps to lay the foundations of a more concrete understanding of policy learning mechanisms with a municipal-centred perspective. The author investigates the issue through desk research on policy briefs, recommendations, official documents and academic literature and substantiates it with semi-structured, in-depth interviews with politicians and bureaucrats in municipalities and networks. The two cases provide an innovative view of the various strategies through which different transnational municipal networks promote policy learning and explore potential differences in how municipalities exchange knowledge depending on their size and organisational complexity. Keywords: #migrationgovernance #transnationalmunicipal network #policylearning
Integration and intercultural education in different types of local societies: comparing the cases of Trento and Bolzano
Irene Landini
Abstract
Along the years, cultural and ethnic diversity in schools of all grades has significantly increased, in all European countries. This is due to a significant extent (although not exclusively) to the increase of the number of pupils with migratory background, both first/second generations (Council of Europe 2008, 2014). Against this background, the Council of Europe (2008) and UNESCO (2006) have promoted ‘intercultural education’, intended as the equitable interaction of diverse cultures, as the main educational approach to manage growing migrant-driven cultural diversity in classrooms. However, despite their efforts to create an overarching framework for the promotion of intercultural education, the literature on this topic has pointed out several problematic issues in the empirical application of such a framework. Namely, we still find several gaps between policy guidelines and recommendations the actual practices in schools, at both the national and the sub-national, local level (Rapanta and Trovao, 2021). The present article proposes an original perspective of the nexus between policies and practices of intercultural education, with a focus on the local level. It focuses on sub-national local governments which are endowed with legislative powers on their territories and can therefore rule a variety of domains, among which that of education policies and intercultural education. Namely, the analysis is centered around two research questions: 1) What is the relation between the local-level policy frameworks for the promotion of intercultural education the actual practices to implement that, from the perspective of school teachers?; 2) How does such relation differ across different types of local societies? The first question is innovative within the intercultural education research literature since it is interested in the experiences and perspectives of teachers. The analysis examines the main challenges teachers experience in their daily interactions with migrant pupils and the strategies they elaborate to tackle such challenges. Starting from the in-depth study and collection of teachers’ experiences, the article is interested in examining to what extent top-down policy frameworks to manage the growing cultural and linguistic diversity within schools take into account and respond to the real situations and challenges that teachers face on a daily basis. At the same time, this research also explores to what extent bottom-up strategies and practices developed by teachers on the ground, conform to the strategies and guidelines regarding intercultural education, promoted at the (local) policy level. The focus on teachers is in contrast with most of the existing studies in the field, which have investigated the nexus between policies and practices of intercultural education from the point of view of students (Campbell e Walta 2015; Busse e Krause 2015; Ari and Laron; 2014; Lau 2015; Chao 2013; Santos et al. 2014; Wilbur 2016; Rapanta and Trovao 2021). Emphasis has been placed on the factors that (according to students) facilitate or rather hamper the transmission (by teachers) and acquisition (by pupils at various grades of education) of what the CoE defines as ‘intercultural skills’ (for ex. Campbell e Walta 2015; Lau 2015; Chao 2013; Santos et al. 2014). The limited attention to teachers’ perspectives is puzzling since teachers have the most frequent and intense contacts with foreign pupils and are therefore the most aware of challenges arising from cultural and linguistic diversity in schools. The second question is highly original as well. Namely, it investigates the relationship between policies and practices of intercultural education across two different types of local societies. The first one is a predominantly mono-majority type of society, characterized by the presence of a clear linguistic and cultural majority, co-existing with multiple different migrant groups. The second is a multi-majority society (Carlà 2018, 2015), where at least two distinct autochthons linguistic and cultural groups, usually known as ‘old diversity’ (Ibid), co-exist simultaneously with mostly recently arrived migrants’ groups. I am interested in contexts where the old diversity is reflected in the institutional arrangements in place, including schools. Conversely, most studies on intercultural education have investigated the application of the intercultural education framework within mono-majority types of societies merely. Specifically, I focus on two local cases that provide ideal settings for studying these questions, i.e., the cities of Bolzano (multi-majority society, institutionally divided between the German and the Italian groups) and Trento (mono-majority, predominantly Italian society), in the North of Italy. Trento and Bolzano are interesting cases also because they are the capitals of the two homonymous autonomous provinces. Being autonomous, they are endowed with even greater legislative powers on their territories than other Italian regions and they are among the first sub-national administrative entities (together with a few other Italian Regions) which have developed policies and guidelines about the promotion of intercultural education. Based on original data collected through semi structured interviews between December 2022-April 2023, I carry out a double empirical comparison, both within each case and between the case studies. First, I compare the policy dimension and actual practices of intercultural education (gaps, compliances, peculiarities) in some selected schools in Trento. Thereafter, I carry out the same type of analysis in Bolzano, for both Italian-speaking and German-speaking schools, separately. Finally, I compare the findings observed in Trento with those observed in Bolzano’s Italian and German schools. Structured hypotheses are built and tested along the analysis.
Volunteering and migration across crises - the case of Como
Paola Bonizzoni
Abstract
Crises are extraordinary events that, by generating a sudden situation of instability and danger, trigger exceptional responses, both on the part of government actors and those of civil society. Numerous studies have highlighted how and why critical events - from natural disasters to humanitarian crises due to warfare, up to economic crises - can revitalize and, at the same time, transform the field of volunteering. Acting as catalysts for civic mobilization, crises favor the activation of individuals and realities with a more varied and heterogeneous profile than those who usually get involved around specific issues, including actors sometimes without previous experience with respect to the problems they are called to face. Crises can foster the emergence of new organizations or new forms of coordination, and push pre-existing organizations to develop new approaches to address emerging needs. It has also been observed how moments of crisis can open new spaces for forms of non-institutional mobilization and participation that potentially lead to new possible forms of hybridization between volunteering and activism. Crises represent ideal moments to observe transformations in civic mobilization that can sediment persistent forms of social innovation. The paper analyzes what emerged from a study conducted in the city of Como between 2018 and 2022, based on 13 qualitative interviews with volunteers and professionals of 10 different local voluntary organizations (associations, informal groups, parishes, and religious entities) engaged in the provision of resources (in particular: coverage of basic needs, legal assistance, hospitality) to migrants in the area. The paper focuses, in particular, on the role played by three types of actors: 1. pro-bono lawyers experts in the field of immigration law 2. associations and informal groups active in street support to the homeless (migrants) and 3 actors involved in the management of emergency interventions aimed at them (the so-called cold emergency plan). Como is a border city that, from 2016 onwards, has found itself forced to respond to the needs of a vast number of migrants with a stratified and complex legal profile, often left outside the circuits of institutional reception. The sudden appearance in the public space of these migrants - many of whom were highly vulnerable - has triggered civic participation and the activism of the local third sector, giving life to new realities and new forms of coordination, innovating, in particular, the field of actors involved in favor of the homeless population. Volunteering, directing its action to migrants excluded from public services, has partially compensated for the inaction of the public actor, massively drawing on non-institutional resources and at the same time entering into a complex regime of cooperation and conflict with local public actors. The paper highlights how the crisis of the summer of 2016 has left persistent traces, contributing to trigger change, at various levels (number and type of actors, skills and practices, visions and values...), in a field - that of homeless services – that has become increasingly contentious. In this changed scenario, volunteering significantly contributes to the local governance of immigration in the area, developing practices and advocacy strategies which, even if often invisible and not always openly characterized by a logic of protest, try to contrast processes of exclusion, highlighting tensions but also possible synergies, continuity, and convergences, between professional logics, volunteering, and activism.
 

Panel 9.1 The asylum ‘crises’ as catalysts for change? Policy innovation in subnational migrant reception and integration in Italy and Southern Europe (II)


Migration to Southern Europe and specifically to Italy has for a long time been marked by a distinctive pattern combining migrants’ weak legal status with economic and social marginality. ‘Wanted but not welcomed’, Non-European migrant workers for many years could easily find informal and low-qualified jobs in the agriculture sector, constructions, or the care sector, while facing harsh challenges when seeking to obtain the status of permanent residents, citizenship or other forms of recognition as full members of the receiving societies.
In the last two decades, the arrival of thousands of asylum-seekers and humanitarian migrants from areas of political crises have considerably changed this pattern, downplaying economic utility considerations and labour market needs and bringing to the fore issues of reception and welcoming. These more recent ‘unwanted migrants’ have not necessarily also been ‘not welcomed’. During the 2015 European ‘asylum crisis’, the reception of migrants has often represented a laboratory for political and social innovation, particularly at the regional and local levels. In other words, the 2015 ‘asylum crisis’ and more recently, the arrival of thousands of Ukrainian refugees, have acted as catalysts for change in subnational migration and asylum policies and practices, opening a window of opportunity for social experimentation and the emergence of new paths and spaces of innovation.
This panel aims at exploring such paths and spaces. It welcomes contributions proposing theoretical-conceptual elaborations and original empirical analyses of innovative policies and practices of migrant reception and integration in Italy or other Southern European countries – particularly focusing on the local and regional levels – including case-studies and comparative qualitative and/or quantitative analyses.
A non-exclusive list of topics that are particularly welcome include:
- Regional and local level governance networks favouring innovative practices and policies of reception.
- Policy networks and intermediary venues promoting innovative approaches to migrants’ reception and integration.
- The impact of political ideology and polarization on processes and practices of policy innovation.
- Cross-country and transnational policy learning processes, also at different levels of governance.

Chairs: Tiziana Caponio, Andrea Pettrachin

Discussants: Leila Hadj Abdou

Making sense of multilevel governance in asylum seekers’ reception policy in Italy: from outlier to forerunner, to EU maintreaming
Tiziana Caponio, Andrea Pettrachin, Irene Ponzo
Abstract
In this article we analyse the trajectory of the Italian asylum system from outlier to multilevel governance, until the final mainstreaming on centralised governance and restrictive policies of refugee reception characterising the majority of EU member states (Caponio and Ponzo 2022). We focus on the years of the European ‘asylum crisis’ and contrast the Italian experience with that of two EU countries, Germany and Greece, that, at the turn of 2015, presented remarkable similarities with Italy under at least three respects: 1) the problem pressure, since these countries were the three main recipients of humanitarian inflows in 2015; 2) the supranational context, since all the three countries had transposed the CEAS Reception Directive; 3) party politics, as these countries in 2015 had national governments supported by mixed coalitions of centre-left/left-wing and centre-right parties, with heads of government (Angela Merkel, Matteo Renzi and Alexis Tsipras) who adopted inclusive or non-hostile discursive stances on immigration. The combination of these factors, we argue, might hypothetically be considered as providing a favourable setting for the emergence of MLG policymaking arrangements: faced with a complex and highly politically sensitive crisis, national governments ideologically not opposed to migration and subscribing to similar EU principles might have been certainly more prone to establishing and fostering collaboration across different levels of government and with nongovernmental actors on the asylum issue than conservative political majorities upholding restrictive policies. However, in the midst of the crisis these countries followed different patterns in asylum reception policymaking, and only in the case of Italy we find a proper case of MLG policymaking. To account for these different paths and – most of all – for the Italian trajectory, in this article we propose an in-depth analysis of asylum seekers’ reception policymaking in the above-mentioned three countries in the years of the crisis. Our goal is twofold: to assess key hypotheses on the structural and bottom-up factors accounting for the emergence of MLG policymaking presented in the literature; and to generate new insights on other possible factors and on the specific mechanisms that drove MLG on asylum seekers’ reception in Italy. To this end, we will also look at the processes of demise of MLG arrangements that took place in Italy in the years following the crisis (2017-2018), which throw light on the more long term top-down and bottom-up pressures underpinning asylum policymaking in Italy and in the EU context more generally.
Migrant political inclusion: Leveraging EU resources to build sustainable, multi-stakeholder and inclusive networks
Beatrice Tommasi, Amandine Desille , Davide Gnes
Abstract
Migrants participate in the economy of the hosting countries, but to a lesser extent in their political life. This paper explores the reasons behind this and the way in which, through the use of European Union (EU)-funded projects and the participation in EU-wide networks, municipalities may create conditions for migrant individuals and communities to participate in the public debate and political decision-making as relevant political actors and agents of change. This policy brief explores the potential of EU resources to foster migrant political inclusion at municipal level across Europe. Drawing on the five reports elaborated in the first phase of the “Migrant Integration through Locally designed Experiences” (MILE) project and wider literature, this brief aims to describe the challenges and opportunities linked to such resources. Firstly, findings from the four municipalities involved in the MILE project – Birmingham (United Kingdom), Ioannina (Greece), Riga (Latvia), Ripollet (Spain) – are presented. Evidence from these four municipalities suggests that European municipalities have so far invested very limited resources, both European and national, in supporting migrant political inclusion. Indeed, stable sources of funding, such as municipal budgets and national money transfers, are traditionally allocated to policy areas perceived as more salient, from mainstreamed social and civic programmes for all citizens to migrant-oriented integration activities such as language classes or vocational training. Secondly, how the EU funding schemes can support municipalities in achieving the goal of migrant political inclusion is discussed. While EU funds may create structural dependency and lead to short-term vision and planning, they also have several advantages. The structure of EU-funded projects makes it possible to design them as pilot projects to address issues in innovative ways (1). The set-up encourages a multi-stakeholder approach, which may then facilitate the inclusion of migrant residents themselves (2). They promote the creation of durable networks of people, institutions, and other organisations, favouring exchange of good practices and fostering a municipality’s reputational standing at national and international level (3). Therefore, EU funding opportunities may enhance the long-term sustainability of such activities: EU projects provide municipalities with the unique opportunity to include migrant individuals, organisations and communities as project partners from the start, paving the way for the creation of sustainable inclusive mechanisms. Thirdly, a general overview of existing EU-level financial resources and networks that municipalities should consider is provided. In the Action Plan on Integration and Inclusion (2021-2027), the Commission has recognised the value of a multi-stakeholder approach and encouraged Member States and their funding authorities to use EU funding to involve in their programmes local and regional governments (LRGs), CSOs, and social and economic partners. As a result, various EU funding instruments are available to municipalities to support multi-stakeholder consortia in the field of political inclusion: Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF), European Social Fund Plus (ESF+), European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), Erasmus +, and Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values (CERV). Moreover, the Commission has stressed the key role played by LRGs in engaging and consulting with the local communities to adjust national and regional integration and inclusion policies to local contexts and needs. Besides EU funds, several transnational networks (as Eurocities, the Council of European Municipalities and Regions, the Assembly of European Regions, the European Association for Local Democracy) are an important resource for European LRGs. Finally, drawing on some best practices in this field, a few recommendations for European municipalities willing to foster migrant political inclusion – to whom this policy brief is primarily addressed – are outlined. Overall, towns and cities of all sizes with a sizable migrant population are encouraged to engage in more EU-level projects and activities to stimulate political inclusion as a necessary step towards political participation, particularly by involving migrant-led as well as other types of stakeholders. Under the right conditions, those activities are likely not only to lead to better dialogue and exchange with migrant communities, but also to provide access to social and economic opportunities that will enhance the political and economic standing of the municipality in the medium- to long-term. On this basis, some concrete recommendations not only for municipalities who have never been involved in EU-funded projects or EU-wide networks, but also for those who already have some experience in this field, are provided.
The transformations of the multi-layered governance of humanitarian migration in Turkey
Andrea Pettrachin, Elif Cetin
Abstract
This paper develops and applies a mix-methods approach based on a combination of social network analysis and analysis of policy documents and interview material to analyse recent transformations in the organization of policymaking relations in the Turkish multi-level political systems, focusing on the policy field concerning humanitarian migration. In doing so, it addresses four limitations of existing research on multi-layered policymaking regarding humanitarian migration, which tends to focus on policy and legal documents rather than real-world interactions, conceptualise governmental levels in morphological terms, neglect conflictual interactions, and narrowly focus on big cities. The analysis conducted allows to derive three claims about the organizations of multi-level policymaking interactions related to humanitarian migration in Turkey. First, despite the high centralisation of the management of humanitarian migration in Turkey at the national level, particularly around the Ministry of Interior, some responsibilities have been shifting to actors located at the subnational and global levels. Second, policymaking interactions are largely developed along the vertical dimension of policymaking, with a rather limited involvement of nongovernmental actors in policymaking. Third, the multilevel governance of humanitarian migration in Turkey still very much resembles ‘a coordinated and negotiated order among public authorities across levels’ and has not become more conflictual in the last decade (as in other South European countries), despite the growth of humanitarian migration flows in the country.
Good neighbours: exposure to ethnic diversity reduces anti-immigration attitudes
Carlo Hofer
Abstract
This article examines the effect of exposure to ethnic diversity on pro-immigration attitudes in the United Kingdom. Most Western European countries have seen a large increase in the number of immigrants in recent decades, but the impact of first-hand exposure to ethnic diversity on anti-immigration sentiments is unclear. Previous studies employed imperfect proxies that may not reflect actual interactions between the groups. To resolve this issue, we combine large-N surveys on individual attitudes with data on diversity at the level of the respondents’ immediate neighbourhood. The results suggest that exposure to different ethnicities in one’s immediate neighbourhood, where diversity is visible during every-day interactions, has a strong moderating effect on anti-immigration attitudes. We argue that diverse neighbourhoods provide ample opportunities for unmediated encounters with same-status individuals of different ethnicities in non-competitive circumstances, reducing prejudice and increasing empathy.
 

Panel 9.2 Regional politics in an era of growing instability: elections, representation, governments' composition and policy-making (I)


Political instability can arise from a wide range of factors and can have significant consequences not only at the national level but also at the sub-national level, affecting regional political representation, leadership, territorial dynamics (i.e. interactions between central and regional governments), and policies. Although scholars have extensively researched how political instability, growing fragmentation, and fluid party dynamics impact the functioning of national governments, there has been comparatively less research on the effects of such transformations on regional politics and public policy. This panel seeks to address this gap by focusing on the regional level, which lies between central and local government and where regional instability can manifest differently across regions of the same country and across countries.

The panel has four objectives, which are to:
1. Theoretically disentangle the different dimensions of regional instability related to party, elite, territorial, and policy dynamics.
2. Analyse the ways in which national party changes affect regional party instability and explore to what extent such processes are linked, including any differences that may emerge at the regional electoral level.
3. Identify and explain how regional instability impacts on both regional party systems and the recruitment of regional representatives, in comparative perspective or across regions within the same country.
4. Illustrate how regional elites develop policies in a context of increasing multi-level instability and uncertainty.

Therefore, we invite papers that address the following topics:
• Changes in regional election outcomes (and turnout), voting behaviour and party systems (with the emergence of new political actors)
• Changes in political leadership at the regional level
• Changes in regional representation
• Changes in the interactions between central authorities and regions
• Changes in regional policy-making processes and policy outcomes.

Chairs: Selena Grimaldi, Davide Vampa

Discussants: Linda Basile

After Putnam: Reassessing Italy's local policy communities with network analysis
Lorenzo Mascioli
Abstract
The spatial dimension of welfare policy had long remained in the background – not least due to historicism, methodological nationalism, and some normative aversion to regionalism and localism. Roughly since the Great Recession, however, it has moved to the foreground, as welfare scholars become increasingly aware of the spatial implications of socio-economic change in the post-industrial society. The present paper taps into this emerging research agenda. It asks how policy communities organise themselves to design and delivery local welfare policies, with a focus on contemporary Italy. To dig out the spatial dimension of welfare policy, scholars have mainly conducted in-depth case studies. In my view, this empirical literature is tarnished by two limitations. First, it departs from mainstream welfare research in that it uses a more granular unit of analysis than the nation-state along the spatial axis of comparison, notably regions or municipalities. Thus, although it promises to explore the spatial dimension of welfare policy, what it does explore is the local dimension. In contemporary sociology, space is understood as “a relational arrangement of social goods and people (living beings) at places” (Löw, 2016: 188). Thus far, the empirical literature has failed to acknowledge the defining feature of space, namely that space is a relational construct. Second, each case study captures only a small fraction of the existing variance in policy design and delivery – across space, time, and policy sector. To increase external validity, the authors tend to engage in generalisation, that is, to think about whether and to what degree the evidence found in one or few settings can be transposed to other settings. However, generalisation becomes problematic as long as we follow the emerging approach to policy intervention for spatial development: the place-based approach. According to this approach, as captured, for example, in the Barca Report of 2009, policy should tap into the local knowledge and values that are embedded in each place. It follows that, from a place-based perspective, generalising policy practices across places makes little sense: we must rather engage in replication. I address both limitations in the present paper. That is, I model how policy communities organise local welfare policies in a way that is both relational and replicable. For this purpose, I follow a sequential (two-stage) research design based on mixed methods. In the first stage, I use network analysis to model the policy communities of about 70 Italian mid-size municipalities, drawing data from the OpenCoesione database, which has recorded detailed information about ~2 million projects delivered in the framework of cohesion policy in and across Italy, from 2007 to present. I construct network measures to capture how efficiently and inclusively each policy community operates. In the second stage, to fill the empirical gaps left open by network analysis, I conduct fieldwork for a smaller sample of municipalities. I find that three ideal-types of policy community exist in Italy, whose incidence across the country follows a geographical pattern – yet a different one from the North-South divide. First, light networks, typical of the North-West of Italy, deliver many projects with few actors. Typically, local government delegates projects to an oligopoly of organisations, and national government performs limited and targeted interventions. Second, heavy networks, typical of the East, deliver many projects with many actors. Local government relies on the broader community, and national government occupies significant but peripheral network positions. Third, siloed networks, typical of the South-West, deliver few projects with few actors. The policy community is clustered into several silos, which barely interact with one another, and national government occupies core network positions within each silo. To explain the observed pattern of variation, I advance the hypothesis that the organisation of the policy community reflects the underlying distribution of trust across the broader local community. Thus, light networks would emerge where trust is high and concentrated in the hands of a few actors; heavy networks where trust is high and diffused across the community at large; siloed networks where trust is low, thereby requiring exogenous intervention to make policy work. I test this hypothesis through a combination of network simulations and fieldwork. Overall, the paper showcases the key role of policy communities in designing and delivering local welfare policies. Besides, it illustrates that Italy’s policy communities organise themselves in remarkably different ways, with key implications for policy efficiency and participation. This way, it intercepts broader debates about public policy and local democracy in the post-industrial society.
Between Public and Private Life: How Women Still Struggle to Enter Politics in Regional Representative Institutions
Selena Grimaldi, Matteo Boldrini
Abstract
The research stems from the idea that from the 1970s onwards the economic development of the so called Third Italy progressively reduced the women disadvantages in participating in the labour market and in many societal activities, despite the legacy of the farm patriarchal family. Even though such improvements were not linear and satisfactory, the problem is that politics remains a harsh territory to conquer for women in such areas. In fact, empirical research shows how the number of women only recently increased in municipal councils and in national parliament (especially from 2013) but their presence remained limited in executive positions across all territorial levels and especially in the regional meso-level (both for executive and legislative posts). As a consequence, the paper aims at understanding why women struggle to enter regional politics and why. To answer our research question, we focused on a sample of 25 semi-structured interviews to female regional Councilors. Most of the interviews were carried out in the regions that (used to) constitute the so-called Third Italy namely, the Veneto, Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany and the Marche. However, we also conducted 4 interviews in Lombardy to test if any relevant difference emerges (as control group). The interviews were administered to female regional councillors of the current or past legislature by trying to cover major party affiliations in all regions. From a methodological point of view, we use a mixed method approach by combing both descriptive statistics and qualitative content analysis. Our preliminary results show that most of women enter in politics in their 20s but then they often quit in their 30s or 40s if they want to create a family. In fact, most of the women in regional councils do not have children or alternatively they enter politics in their 50s, namely when major family duties are fulfilled. Most of them struggle to balance private and public life and a discrete number, irrespective to their party affiliation, feel to be discriminated within their party and by their colleagues. However, most of them refused to define themselves feminist especially when coming from a centre-right party.
CARRIERE POLITICHE, RUOLO E IDENTITÀ DEI PRESIDENTI DI REGIONE: IL CASO STUDIO DELL’UMBRIA
Costanza Spera
Abstract
Call for papers; Convegno SISP 2023, 14-16 settembre 2023. ABSTRACT CARRIERE POLITICHE, RUOLO E IDENTITÀ DEI PRESIDENTI DI REGIONE: IL CASO STUDIO DELL’UMBRIA Di Costanza Spera – Dottoranda XXXVIII Ciclo – Dottorato in Legalità, Culture politiche e Democrazia dell’Università degli Studi di Perugia. Tutor: Prof. Giovanni Barbieri e Prof. Marco Damiani. Panel 9.2 – Regional politics in an era of growing instability: elections, representation, governments' composition and policy-making L’oggetto di ricerca del lavoro proposto verte sull’analisi delle carriere politiche dei Presidenti di Regione, unitamente allo sviluppo e ai mutamenti del loro ruolo e delle loro identità, in riferimento al caso studio dell’Umbria. La classe politica regionale, efficacemente definita da Verzichelli (2011, p. 2) come “ceto politico di meso-livello”, ha mutato le sue caratteristiche nel corso degli anni, in particolare a seguito dell’introduzione dell’elezione diretta dei Presidenti di Regione e in virtù del nuovo assetto conferito agli enti regionali, denominato poi neoparlamentare (Furlan, 2022; p. 70). Tali processi di riforma amministrativa e di riorganizzazione politica delle Regioni, hanno accresciuto la visibilità e le funzioni degli amministratori regionali (Bettin, 1993; Segatori, 1992), i cui ruoli e le cui identità sono cambiati in modo significativo e probabilmente irreversibile. I Presidenti di Regione sono stati oggetto di studio in ambito giuridico, ma a oggi sono poco numerose le produzioni in campo socio-politologico. A tal proposito si intende fornire un contributo di natura sociologica, all’interno di un disegno di ricerca più ampio, che pone centralità al caso umbro, considerato rappresentativo delle trasformazioni che hanno attraversato il regionalismo e le carriere politiche di coloro che sono stati selezionati per coprire ruoli di vertice negli enti regionali. Ciò che ha contraddistinto il quadro politico regionale umbro, alla stregua di altre Regioni del centro Italia, è stata la quasi assoluta continuità della subcultura politica rossa alla guida della Regione. Altri elementi caratterizzanti si riscontrano nel professionismo politico dei vertici regionali e nelle frequenti conflittualità tra segreterie di partito e vertici amministrativi particolarmente orientati al pragmatismo. È anche alla luce di tali caratteristiche che i Presidenti di Regione dell’Umbria possono essere sinteticamente rappresentanti attraverso tre stagioni politiche, non prive di similitudini e punti di contatto: il party government di prima generazione guidato dai funzionari di partito, la brevissima fase degli homines novi, e la fase del ritorno di un party government dettato dal protagonismo degli amministratori locali. Uno degli aspetti di maggiore interesse delle fasi attraversate dalle presidenze umbre è proprio quelle delle carriere politiche pregresse e successive all’incarico ricoperto dai Presidente di Regione. Questo contributo non ha lo scopo di declinare il dettaglio di tutti i caratteri dalle varie presidenze, ma di descrivere peculiarità e percorsi politici di coloro che hanno assunto il ruolo di Presidente di Regione. Si tenterà, in definitiva, di dimostrare come l’Umbria rappresenti un caso si studio utile all’analisi della mutata leadership regionale nel corso degli ultimi decenni. RIFERIMENTI BIBLIOGRAFICI Bettin G. (1993), Classe politica e città, Padova, Cedam. Furlan F. (2022), Il presidente della regione 2.0 (tra Costituzione, fonti regionali e prassi), Torino, Giappichelli. Segatori R. (a cura di) (1992), Istituzioni e potere politico locale, Milano, Franco Angeli. Verzichelli L. (2011), Élites politiche e carriera politica nel “modello federale” italiano, in “Astrid” Dove va il regionalismo”.
Il caso Molise tra elezioni, economia e cultura civica
Fabio Serricchio
Abstract
Il 25 e 26 giugno 2023 il piccolo Molise ha rinnovato il Consiglio regionale e ha eletto il suo nuovo Presidente. Le elezioni regionali molisane sono cadute nel bel mezzo di un ciclo elettorale avviato con le politiche dell’autunno precedente, il turno amministrativo di alcuni giorni prima e l’appuntamento clou delle elezioni europee della primavera 2024, per restare al quadro nazionale ed europeo. Ma, casualmente, le elezioni regionali molisane sono anche “capitate” in coincidenza con alcuni anniversari che, per la scienza politica, hanno un indiscusso peso: si celebrano infatti i trent’anni dalla pubblicazione di “Making Democray Work”, il lavoro di Putnam, Leonardi e Nanetti che nel 1993 se da un lato ridestava l’interesse per l’istituzione regionale, dall’altro forniva – involontariamente - seri argomenti ai sostenitori del regionalismo differenziato. Ma il 2023 è anche il sessantesimo anniversario della pubblicazione di “The Civic Culture” di Almond & Verba (1963) che aveva di fatto avviato il dibattito sulla scarsa cultura civica degli italiani. Nel mezzo Banfield aveva invece etichettato i meridionali come affetti da familismo amorale. L’incrocio di queste coincidenze appare dunque come una ghiotta occasione per una riflessione che, partendo dai dati elettorali, faccia il punto sul caso Molise.
 

Panel 9.2 Regional politics in an era of growing instability: elections, representation, governments' composition and policy-making (II)


Political instability can arise from a wide range of factors and can have significant consequences not only at the national level but also at the sub-national level, affecting regional political representation, leadership, territorial dynamics (i.e. interactions between central and regional governments), and policies. Although scholars have extensively researched how political instability, growing fragmentation, and fluid party dynamics impact the functioning of national governments, there has been comparatively less research on the effects of such transformations on regional politics and public policy. This panel seeks to address this gap by focusing on the regional level, which lies between central and local government and where regional instability can manifest differently across regions of the same country and across countries.

The panel has four objectives, which are to:
1. Theoretically disentangle the different dimensions of regional instability related to party, elite, territorial, and policy dynamics.
2. Analyse the ways in which national party changes affect regional party instability and explore to what extent such processes are linked, including any differences that may emerge at the regional electoral level.
3. Identify and explain how regional instability impacts on both regional party systems and the recruitment of regional representatives, in comparative perspective or across regions within the same country.
4. Illustrate how regional elites develop policies in a context of increasing multi-level instability and uncertainty.

Therefore, we invite papers that address the following topics:
• Changes in regional election outcomes (and turnout), voting behaviour and party systems (with the emergence of new political actors)
• Changes in political leadership at the regional level
• Changes in regional representation
• Changes in the interactions between central authorities and regions
• Changes in regional policy-making processes and policy outcomes.

Chairs: Selena Grimaldi, Davide Vampa

Discussants: Silvia Bolgherini

Does Incumbency Advantage Increase with Tenure? The Regression Discontinuity Analysis of Direct Mayoral Elections in Poland
Dariusz Stolicki, Jarosław Flis, Adam Gendźwiłł
Abstract
We examine the incumbency advantage (and the effect of tenure on its magnitude) in direct mayoral elections in Poland. The data from almost 2500 municipalities and five electoral cycles allows us to estimate the effects of incumbency on running and winning reelection, as well as the differences between veteran and freshmen incumbents (“sophomores”). We apply the regression discontinuity design (RDD), a quasi-experimental method which is commonly used to study the causal effects of incumbency, focusing on the interaction between the incumbency and the tenure in office. In what follows, we find strong evidence in favor of the sophomore surge, operating mainly via the deterrence of high-quality challengers. At the same time, we find that in the case of long-term mayors incumbency advantage vanishes, but not entirely (at least within the observable time frame).
Sub-national policy-making in an era of political instability: Theoretical developments, methodological challenges and empirical insights from four European countries
Davide Vampa
Abstract
The role of political parties and their representatives in policy-making processes has been extensively analysed in studies focusing on national and sub-national institutional arenas. Alternation in government between relatively established political actors and the unfolding of election cycles have long been considered important drivers of policy change and development. However, these fairly regular fluctuations within democratic systems are increasingly accompanied by more dramatic levels of volatility that make national and sub-national politics significantly more unstable and unpredictable than conventionally argued. Scholars have gradually begun to consider how political instability, growing fragmentation and more fluid party dynamics may affect the functioning of national governments and the policies they pursue. However, little has been said about the implications of these transformations for sub-national policies in multi-level systems. This paper focuses on the regional level, situated between central and local government. It highlights that instability may manifest itself differently across the regions of the same country, and the forms it takes – whether it is driven by sub-national or national actors (or both) – in turn affect regional-central institutional relations and the policies that result from these interactions. The theoretical part reflects on the concepts of regional political instability and its roots, changing political representation and leadership, territorial policy dynamics (i.e. interactions between central and regional governments) and policy outcomes. It then provides a brief overview of how these concepts can be linked together and applied to the study of some multi-level systems, considering the cases of Italy, Spain, Germany and the United Kingdom.
Between politics and justice: The rise of the Constitutional court in the unstable Italian regionalism (2001-2021)
Luigi Rullo
Abstract
The increasing involvemente of judicial institutions in the realm of regional and federal governance has become a widespread phenomenon in contemporary politics. This article focuses on Italy as an example of the judicialization of regional politics, with the Constitutional Court adopting a growing role in centre–region relationships. It addresses the questions of why and how the role of the Italian Constitutional Court in terms of regional governance has changed over the past two decades. Moving from a new institutionalist perspective, it shows how the dynamics of decentralization, as pushed forward by the reform of the Title V of the Constitution, favoured the consolidation of the Court as a fundamental actor in intergovernmental relationships. The article is structured as follows. First, it provides a literature review on the role of Constitutional and Supreme courts in federal and regional governance and the theoretical framework adopted for the analysis. Second, the article provides empirical data demonstrating how the Court has become increasingly preoccupied with questions related to regional politics over the last years. Third, it explores how the Constitutional Court shaped regional politics through judicial review with the reform of Title V of the Constitutional Charter by focusing on the Court’s most significant decisions on the topic. Moreover, it discusses the political consequences of the recent judgement 37/2021 which addressed the pandemic emergency. All in all, the article emphasizes the fact that the limits of the constitutional reform have tended to produce a judicial redefinition of the centre–periphery arena and pushed the Constitutional Court to play a significant role in the still unstable Italian regionalism.
 

Panel 9.3 Regionalisms, Independentisms and European sub-state identities facing contemporary challenges and transformations (I)


Brexit, the Covid-19 pandemic, the resulting economic crisis (following the previous crisis of 2008), climate change and environmental issues and lastly the current conflict in Ukraine, have undoubtedly profoundly changed politics and society in Europe. The sense of uncertainty and fear that citizens experience is also reflected at the regional and local level, engendering a stronger sense of "globality". The answers that European and central authorities have provided to these problems have not always gone in the direction desired at the sub-state level. In various (particularly Western) European regions characterized by what scientific literature defines as the centre-periphery cleavage, these processes have reinforced political contestation of the existent so-called nation-states. In addition, the Russian attack on Ukraine has further increased the socio-political relevance of regional and (sub)national ethnic identities. Even after the Scottish and Catalan referenda, searches for self-determination and "national" recognition intermittently retain their political saliency.
This panel aims to clarify the impact of these current transformations on European regionalist and pro-independence movements and organizations, as well as on institutions and civic society organizations in regions with a strong sub-state identity. What is the role of sub-state regional identities in this context? How do sub-state political parties and social movements interpret what is happening? Have they taken steps to reshape their ideological baggage? If, and how, are regional institutions actively involved in facing these contemporary challenges? Finally: have the drives for regional self-determination and sub-state identities in Europe decreased or increased? And what is foreseen for the immediate future?
Those interested can present and discuss papers, also with a multidisciplinary viewpoint, both on particular case studies and in a comparative and/or European perspective, indifferently in Italian, English, French or Spanish.

Chairs: Adriano Cirulli, Carlo Pala

Discussants: Michel Huysseune

The Story of Flanders. Interpreting a TV-series as a Nation-Building Instrument
Michel Huysseune
Abstract
The Story of Flanders. Interpreting a TV-series as a Nation-building Instrument Michel Huysseune The Flemish public television (VRT) transmitted in early 2023 a ten-episode series on the history of Flanders, entitled “Het verhaal van Vlaanderen” (The Story of Flanders). It proposed a comprehensive overview of the history of the region, from the Stone Age until the present. Sponsored by the Flemish regional authorities, it was produced at a moment when these authorities (led by the Flemish nationalist Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, N-VA) have also promoted the elaboration of a Flemish canon (a list of events and persons considered crucial elements of the region’s history and identity). In this paper, I propose to analyse the TV series from two perspectives. I first intend to situate it within the context of national history writing in Europe and its recent evolution. I secondly relate the series to the specific historical narratives that characterize the Belgian case, and notably the tension between Belgian and Flemish historical narratives. I will argue that the series can certainly not be considered an attempt to revive the narratives traditionally adopted by Flemish nationalism. While downplaying an exclusively or even strongly nationalist interpretation of the history of Flanders, the series nevertheless can be considered an example of banal nationalism.
Can climate action and nationalism be combined?
Daniele Conversi
Abstract
Climate change is an uncontainable phenomenon which doesn’t know national, class, ethnic, gender or geographical boundaries and hence cannot be tackled, or even comprehended, within the limits of a nationalist worldview. Yet, the international system is dominated by nation-states which are in turn imbued by the ideology of nationalism. Despite this, the relationship between climate change and nationalism has been largely unstudied until 2020. This presentation first identifies the key political obstacles to global climate action. For years, the pressures exerted by the fossil fuel lobbies hampered action by the main Western governments. However, it does not analyse these lobbies, about which there is a vast literature, but explores a scarcely identified set of obstacles caused by the current division of the world into nation-states, powered by their own ideology – nationalism. Nationalism has become the dominant ideology of the contemporary world in tandem with the expansion of capitalism. Nationalism is therefore an ideology that it is impossible to ignore, nor we can pretend that it does not exist. We must understand its limits, which will also help us to understand the apparently escape-less situation before us. A new approach is considered and developed by asking: if nationalism is the core ideology around which contemporary political relations turn, is it possible to involve it in the fight against climate change? It thus explores the possibility of an emerging green nationalism largely related to "non-state nations" where the environmental dimension is accompanied by an emphasis on the perceived need to fight against climate change, but also related to a few "exemplary nation-states" where sustainability pervades political and social relations. The examples of these pathbreaking, trendsetting nation-states should, however, be placed against their major opponents, the "top polluting nation-states". The paper concludes that riding the wave of nationalism may appear as a desperate gesture by those who have renounced confidence in the capacity of human awakening from a pervasive state of "mindlessness verging on collective suicide. Yet, trying to involve nationalists only makes sense if, at the same time, non-national solutions are also considered.
Can the subaltern states speak? The case of Basque Political Concert
Jon Azkune Torres, Mario Zubiaga Garate
Abstract
Tanto la idea de nación como la de nacionalismo, en tanto que conflictivas, han suscitado innumerables debates académicos en las últimas décadas. A pesar de que ambas se han asociado a la Modernidad, podemos observar sus primeras referencias en la antigua Roma, en Grecia o incluso entre egipcios y asirios. Sin embargo, al menos desde finales del siglo XVIII, el nacionalismo es percibido como una nueva fuente de legitimidad de la autoridad basada en la existencia de un sentimiento compartido de nación, frente a las que hasta entonces se remitían a la religión o la tradición. Desde entonces, han sido numerosas las voces que han anunciado desde diferentes posiciones el fin de las naciones y el nacionalismo. La última sentencia de muerte fue la dictada por la globalización, pero la realidad nos demuestra que la cuestión, lejos de disiparse, se muestra más viva y más compleja que nunca. En las últimas décadas las demandas soberanistas se han modificado y observamos como el eje nacional tradicional se debilita y cuestiones relacionadas con el bienestar y la capacidad de autogobierno democrático se refuerza. A nuestro entender, emergen nuevas realidades que corresponde analizar con una mirada diferente. El Estado, la nación y la soberanía continúan siendo tres conceptos fundamentales para entender la sociedad democrática y su funcionamiento. Sin embargo, los tres evolucionan de forma compleja en un contexto en el que diferentes escalas políticas conviven y a la vez compiten entre ellas. El proceso de demos, state y nation building ya no se desarrolla de forma única por el Estado nación dominante, sino que a escala sub-estatal emergen procesos que compiten de forma exitosa con el de el Estado central. En nuestro trabajo nos centraremos en el caso vasco. En concreto, el objetivo de este trabajo es conectar las renovadas premisas teóricas sobre la soberanía y el Estado con las recientes propuestas políticas del nacionalismo vasco. Para ello, nos guiaremos sobre la siguiente hipótesis: La propuesta legislativa denominada Concierto Político Vasco plantea un marco novedoso que, inspirándose en la idea prewestfaliana de soberanía confederal, ofrece un instrumento para superar la subalternidad estatal vasca Para dar respuesta a esta hipótesis daremos los siguientes pasos complementarios: En primer lugar haremos una reflexión en torno a la soberanía y su reinterpretación en un contexto dinámico. Observaremos cómo nos encontramos en un contexto considerado postwestfaliano en el que la soberanía adopta una forma multiescalar que da lugar a nuevas lógicas políticas. Ese aspecto está relacionado con la segunda parte de la comunicación. Los cambios en la soberanía están estrechamente relacionados con los cambios en la estatalidad. Si bien ésta ha adoptado una forma cada vez más global, también ha tenido su reverso en los procesos de regionalización a escala internacional. Por ello, modificamos la tradicional idea de "nación sin Estado" por el de estatalidad subalterna. A nuestro entender, no se puede considerar al País Vasco una nación sin Estado, puesto que dispone de estructuras de Estado que le posibilitan desarrollar un proceso diferenciado de demos, state y nation building respecto al del Estado matriz. Desde una perspectiva relacional, la clave reside en su relación con el Estado matriz. En ese caso, se da una relación jerárquica y de subalternidad respecto a las decisiones del Estado central. Es esa precisamente la clave de la última propuesta del nacionalismo vasco. En el proceso de actualización del autogobierno vasco iniciado en el año 2017, emerge la idea de Concierto Político que adopta la filosofía foral del Concierto Económico, ligado a la fiscalidad, aplicándola a la totalidad del modelo de reparto competencial y sistemas de garantías del autogobierno. De esta forma, la concepción pre-westfaliana de la soberanía es retomada de forma actualizada en un contexto político post-westfaliano. Esta propuesta permitiría superar el carácter subalterno de la estatalidad vasca en el actual contexto postwestfaliano. Keywords: Sovereignty; Nationalism; State Theory; Subalternity; Basque Country.
Les répertoires d’action à l’épreuve : culture, intimité et engagement linguistique Une comparaison Bretagne/Lusace
Jeanne Toutous
Abstract
Alors que certains mouvements de revendications linguistiques minoritaires sont marqué par une politisation et d’une institutionnalisation évidentes de par leur cadrage régionaliste (langue basque, langue bretonne), d’autres s’organisent autour de manifestations plus diffuses, axées en premier lieu sur la culture et l’entretien de la tradition. Processions, parades, fêtes rituelles, capture d’animaux, parole théâtrale ou contée : ces différents événements en lien avec la langue régionale ou minoritaire dépendent de calendriers alternatifs (religieux, agricoles) et ne font pas - ou peu - appel aux institutions publiques pour perpétuer la langue. Peu revendicatifs, ces rassemblements permettent de faire tenir l’identité de groupe et d’en montrer l’ordre et la consistance vis-à-vis de l’extérieur. Ils se rapprochent alors du répertoire d’action de première génération « local et patronné » identifié par Charles Tilly (1984), par opposition au répertoire d’action de seconde génération « national et autonome ». S’intéresser de plus près à la signification des survivances et réapparitions du répertoire local et patronné permet, en montrant « la force paradoxale des marginaux » (Paugam, 2023) d’affiner le triptyque « exit, voice and loyalty » proposé par Albert Hirschman (1970). L’on s’aperçoit alors que la notion de voice gagne à intégrer les micro-résistances (Scott, 1990) relevant de l’infra-politique, les manifestations d’intimité culturelle (Herzfeld, 1996) comme autant de manières de retourner une humiliation passée en célébration collective (Appadurai, 2004). Alors que le terme de culture est souvent associé à l’idée d’héritage et lié au passé, il conviendra de le comprendre également comme une trame d’orientation vers le futur. En reproduisant la tradition, les acteurs s’adonnent à un processus créatif, potentiellement transformateur (Kalshoven, 2010). Dans une perspective comparatiste, nous étudierons les cas des mouvements d’action collective en faveur des langues de Bretagne (France) et de Lusace (Allemagne). Notre communication montrera que l’’une des originalités des répertoires de l’action collective linguistique réside dans leur capacité à puiser des éléments de type préfiguratif rappelant le répertoire de première génération, en résonance avec les cadres culturels utilisés par les acteurs pour donner un sens et une légitimité à leur activité (Taylor & Van Dyke, 2004 : 276). Si trois des mouvements étudiés adoptent un répertoire hybride caractérisé par l’importance de pratiques locales et patronnées, l’action collective en faveur de la langue bretonne se distingue par un répertoire plus moderne et autonome, davantage proche du répertoire d’action collective de seconde génération. Il ne peut néanmoins pas prétendre à l’aspect « national » du second répertoire.
 

Panel 9.3 Regionalisms, Independentisms and European sub-state identities facing contemporary challenges and transformations (II)


Brexit, the Covid-19 pandemic, the resulting economic crisis (following the previous crisis of 2008), climate change and environmental issues and lastly the current conflict in Ukraine, have undoubtedly profoundly changed politics and society in Europe. The sense of uncertainty and fear that citizens experience is also reflected at the regional and local level, engendering a stronger sense of "globality". The answers that European and central authorities have provided to these problems have not always gone in the direction desired at the sub-state level. In various (particularly Western) European regions characterized by what scientific literature defines as the centre-periphery cleavage, these processes have reinforced political contestation of the existent so-called nation-states. In addition, the Russian attack on Ukraine has further increased the socio-political relevance of regional and (sub)national ethnic identities. Even after the Scottish and Catalan referenda, searches for self-determination and "national" recognition intermittently retain their political saliency.
This panel aims to clarify the impact of these current transformations on European regionalist and pro-independence movements and organizations, as well as on institutions and civic society organizations in regions with a strong sub-state identity. What is the role of sub-state regional identities in this context? How do sub-state political parties and social movements interpret what is happening? Have they taken steps to reshape their ideological baggage? If, and how, are regional institutions actively involved in facing these contemporary challenges? Finally: have the drives for regional self-determination and sub-state identities in Europe decreased or increased? And what is foreseen for the immediate future?
Those interested can present and discuss papers, also with a multidisciplinary viewpoint, both on particular case studies and in a comparative and/or European perspective, indifferently in Italian, English, French or Spanish.

Chairs: Adriano Cirulli, Carlo Pala

Discussants: Michel Huysseune

Localizzare i diritti, selezionare i meritevoli: la Lega tra welfare chauvinism e politiche locali discriminatorie
Enrico Gargiulo, Elisa Bellè
Abstract
Negli ultimi anni, diversi studi hanno cominciato a rilevare come i partiti della cosiddetta populist radical right (PRR) utilizzino gli strumenti di governo locale per mettere a punto politiche subnazionali di welfare chauvinism (o nationalism) and exclusionism. Tale processo, che potremmo definire sinteticamente di “localizzazione dei diritti” o di “residenzializzazione della cittadinanza”, passa attraverso la realizzazione di politiche locali fortemente ideologiche: l’appartenenza nazionale è impiegata come criterio su cui basare la possibilità di “meritare” l’accesso al welfare, mentre dispositivi normativi e para-normativi che poggiano su requisiti più o meno esplicitamente discriminatori sono impiegati allo scopo di ottenere una selezione della popolazione “legittima”. La collocazione a livello subnazionale di tali politiche permette, in linea di massima, di evitare un’eccessiva attenzione pubblica e mediatica. In alcuni casi, tuttavia, le scelte discriminatorie effettuate dalle amministrazioni comunali suscitano clamore oltre i confini locali. Con questo contributo, ci proponiamo di analizzare un caso che ha avuto particolare risonanza ed è divenuto oggetto di aspra contesa pubblica, mediatica e legale. In un centro medio-piccolo del Nord Italia che, per ragioni di anonimato, chiameremo Città la Lega, durante il suo mandato amministrativo, ha modificato il regolamento di accesso ai servizi di trasporto e alla mensa scolastica per le scuole elementari, con riferimento specifico alle famiglie di origine straniera. Per accedere alle tariffe agevolate, il nuovo regolamento imponeva la presentazione di una documentazione aggiuntiva, non richiesta alle famiglie italiane, che dimostrasse l’assenza di rendite e proprietà all’estero. Tale decisione ha determinato l’esclusione dal servizio della maggior parte di bambine e bambini, suscitando un’ampia e compatta countermobilization da parte della locale società civile. L’“affare mense” ha dunque costituito un momento topico per il contesto politico locale, una fonte di fortissima polarizzazione, politica ed emotiva, visto anche il suo forte portato simbolico e valoriale. Attorno ad esso si sviluppano inoltre questioni ampie e sotto-indagate, che attengono al processo di progressiva erosione dei diritti di welfare su base locale. Partendo dal caso di Città, il paper vuole contribuire a un’analisi più ampia dei processi di costruzione di welfare chauvinism: l’obiettivo è comprendere come l’accesso al mainstream da parte dei partiti e dei movimenti della PRR passi attraverso strategie basate sull’attacco ai diritti sociali e, più in generale, sulla progressiva erosione del paradigma del welfare e dei suoi valori universalistici. A questo proposito, il contributo intende focalizzarsi sul livello locale di implementazione di tali strategie. I partiti della cosiddetta PRR, infatti, sono probabilmente la famiglia politica più studiata, tuttavia il dibattito scientifico rimane prevalentemente focalizzato sul livello nazionale o su quello transnazionale. L’analisi delle forme locali e del radicamento territoriale di tali forze politiche è invece poco praticata, sebbene di recente la comunità accademica abbia cominciato a rendersi conto del gap nella letteratura sul tema. Il paper intende contribuire a riempire parzialmente questo vuoto, concentrandosi su uno dei partiti più longevi e votati della PRR: la Lega (ex Lega Nord), studiata nel contesto di una città media di provincia, collocata in una zona di storico radicamento. Il contributo mette insieme due percorsi di ricerca diversi, compiuti in questi anni dall’autrice e dell’autore. Il primo percorso consiste in un lavoro di etnografia comparata tra Lega e Rassemblement National (Marie Curie fellowship) e si basa, a livello metodologico, su una ricerca sul campo durata 6 mesi (osservazione partecipante della vita pubblica e politica; interviste semi-strutturate a militanti, dirigenti, eletti nell’amministrazione leghista; attiviste/i della locale società civile progressista coi volti nella countermobilization rispetto al caso mense). Il secondo percorso consiste in uno studio sulle forme di esclusione dalla residenza (o fondate sul criterio della residenza) condotto negli anni attraverso diverse metodologie di ricerca: analisi documentale e normativa; raccolta dati a livello comunale; interviste a testimoni privilegiati e a street-level bureaucrats; partecipazione a momenti di formazione e a mobilitazioni civiche e politiche.
Los límites del derecho a decidir: geopolítica y el costo de la secesión para el Estado matriz.
Asier Blas
Abstract
S. P. Huntington escribió que la tendencia del siglo XX contra la secesión es solo tan fuerte como la tendencia del siglo XIX en contra del divorcio civil y con esa argumentación defendía que cuando la secesión es posible, los estadistas contemporáneos harían bien en verlo con mayor tolerancia. Sin embargo, este cambio de percepción no se ha dado en el siglo XXI, ya que la variable geopolítica continúa explicando en gran parte los diferentes desarrollos que tienen los procesos de secesión. Un proyecto secesionista solo puede crear un estado normalizado si cumple dos condiciones necesarias: (a) tener el monopolio de la violencia en el territorio reivindicado y (b) el reconocimiento internacional. Además, en las últimas décadas se menciona habitualmente la necesidad de tener el respaldo mayoritario de la población del territorio hasta convertirse en una condición casi necesaria, pero, no suficiente si tenemos en cuenta la variable de la geopolítica. Las principales potencias mundiales han reconocido o condenado secesiones basadas en los principios democráticos según sus intereses geoestratégicos y no por respeto a la voluntad de una población de un territorio determinado, ya que la variable independiente más útil para poder determinar el posicionamiento de un Estado respecto a un proceso de secesión no es su apoyo popular sino la variable geopolítica. No obstante, aunque el factor explicativo principal de la creación de nuevos estados no sea el apoyo popular, desde 1990 la gran mayoría de los proyectos de secesión han necesitado un referéndum o sentido la necesidad de refrendar la secesión plebiscitariamente con consultas populares o elecciones más o menos plebiscitarias. En el caso de las secesiones unilaterales es más evidente aún, ya que todas precisan de un amplio apoyo democrático, no es una condición suficiente para conseguir el reconocimiento internacional, pero sí que es casi necesaria. Al fin y al cabo, como explicó Juan José Linz (1986: 669) no es democráticamente viable mantener un territorio dentro de las fronteras de un estado en contra de la voluntad de su pueblo. Por ese motivo, los movimientos secesionistas de hoy en día le dan gran importancia al elemento plebiscitario para justificar sus proyectos ante la comunidad internacional. Es más, incluso entre muchos sectores independentistas de regiones occidentales se creó una ilusión con las últimas olas de secesión de las últimas décadas según la cual en la actualidad sería más probable que nunca conseguir la independencia por la vía exclusivamente plebiscitaria. Esta ilusión fue alimentada por el caso de Kosovo por ser un proceso de independencia promovido y amparado por Occidente que rompía la lógica de no reconocer las secesiones unilaterales que había imperado hasta esa fecha en las relaciones internacionales. Esta perspectiva, sin embargo, recibió un baño de realismo geopolítico con el caso de proclamación unilateral de independencia por parte de Cataluña en el año 2017. En consecuencia, los procesos de secesión que quieran evitar conflictos armados y guerras vuelven a centrar su atención en la necesidad de logra algún tipo de reconocimiento sobre el derecho a decidir su secesión a través de mecanismos democráticos. En este sentido, una vez se ha logrado pactar un referéndum de independencia el reconocimiento del nuevo estado suele ser casi automático. No obstante, las consultas acordadas suelen ser una herramienta para gestionar el final de conflictos armados, en este sentido, uno de los retos principales que tienen los movimientos secesionistas es lograr negociar el derecho a la secesión o una consulta popular concreta que posibilite la independencia. Pero, ¿Cómo se logra sentar a negociar al estado matriz si no hay conflicto armado?, ¿Por qué en contextos de paz se negocia en unos casos un referéndum de secesión y en otros no? Evidentemente la respuesta es compleja, sin embargo, nuestra hipótesis es que el factor explicativo principal es el coste de la secesión para el estado matriz. ¿Qué coste tendrá para un estado matriz la secesión de uno de sus territorios? En este paper construiremos una propuesta de medición del coste que implicaría para los estados matriz la secesión atendiendo a las dimensiones de geopolítica, cultural-identitaria, económica y territorial-poblacional. La hipótesis sería que cuanto mayor sea el coste de la secesión, más agresiva será la posición del estado matriz respecto a la posibilidad de la independencia o, dicho de otra manera, a mayor costo de la secesión menor probabilidad habrá de que haya una negociación bilateral para la regulación de un derecho a decidir la secesión o la convocatoria de un referéndum de independencia. Finalmente, la propuesta de medición es testada en una serie de casos para así tratar de comprobar de forma indiciaría si se cumple.
Movimientos nacionalistas subestatales y política prefigurativa: ¿cómo se materializa este vínculo en la praxis actual de los jóvenes activistas del País Vasco?
Onintza Odriozola, Iker Iraola, Ane Larrinaga, Mila Amurrio
Abstract
Algunos discursos políticos han asociado los movimientos nacionalistas subestatales de largo recorrido con representaciones esencialistas del pasado y con prácticas políticas inamovibles en el transcurso del tiempo. Frente a esta visión, esta comunicación explora las conexiones entre movimientos nacionalistas subestatales de izquierda y políticas prefigurativas tardomodernas. El texto se basa en un estudio de caso sobre activismo juvenil nacionalista en el País Vasco, realizado mediante una aproximación metodológica cualitativa a través de entrevistas en profundidad. Se han analizado las reformulaciones y ajustes discursivos realizados en el movimiento nacionalista a partir de los sentidos atribuidos por los jóvenes a su actividad política. El nuevo ciclo político iniciado en la sociedad vasca tras ETA, la influencia de los procesos de globalización y sus retos, así como las experiencias secesionistas de Escocia y Cataluña en la última década han traído consigo una nueva reinterpretación discursiva del nacionalismo vasco subestatal de izquierda. Por un lado, la singularidad de la nación definida en términos étnico−culturales ha ido perdiendo centralidad, y se ha ido desarrollando un nuevo léxico en términos de democracia, referido fundamentalmente a los derechos que deben reconocerse a las naciones subestatales para decidir libre y democráticamente su futuro. Por otro lado, el concepto de nación está siendo sustituido cada vez más por una noción de soberanía acorde a las condiciones de la sociedad global. El hecho de que la soberanía pueda ser interpretada en diversos niveles (personal, cultural, político) y con diferentes significados dentro del mismo significante, ha permitido a una multiplicidad de actores reinterpretar sus sentidos desde su ubicación social, aglutinándose bajo el mismo marco conceptual. Partiendo del estudio de caso de los movimientos juveniles contemporáneos de la izquierda nacionalista desarrollado en el País Vasco, en esta presentación se intentará responder a dos preguntas: 1) ¿Qué conexiones existen entre las prácticas de los actuales movimientos nacionalistas subestatales y las políticas prefigurativas? 2) ¿Pueden los movimientos nacionalistas tener vigencia hoy en día en tanto que prefiguradores de nuevos modelos de sociedad que respondan a las demandas de transformación social en las sociedades globalizadas de la modernidad tardía? Con el objetivo de abordar estas dos cuestiones, realizaremos, en primer lugar, un análisis del contexto cambiante de la sociedad vasca, así como, un breve repaso de los análisis teóricos en un ámbito que se sitúa en la intersección entre el estudio de los movimientos sociales, el nacionalismo y la política prefigurativa. Para, posteriormente, analizar los datos de una investigación cualitativa realizada entre jóvenes activistas del País Vasco, socializados en la subcultura de la izquierda nacionalista en el período posterior al cese de actividad de la organización ETA.
Theorising the nationalism of impoverished peripheries: a comparative analysis
Linda Basile, Núria Franco-Guillén, Catrin Edwards, Anwen Elias
Abstract
This article examines if, and how, the economic status of relatively ‘poor’ regions impacts upon the discourses of regionalist movements. While scholarship has explored the ‘nationalism of the rich’ (Dalle Mulle, 2017, 2019), ‘bourgeois regionalism’ (Harvie, 1994) and the relationship between a region’s economic position and their position on the left-right spectrum (Massetti, 2009; Massetti and Schakel, 2015), ‘nationalism of the poor’ has received much less attention, and pivots around notions of internal colonialism (Hechter, 1975). Using the FraTerr Database, which includes territorial demands and frames of regionalist actors across Europe between 1990 to 2018, the article analyses the framing strategies of regionalist parties in four regions that have been traditionally poorer than their state’s average, namely Corsica, Galicia, Sardinia and Wales. Our underpinning expectation is that these party framing strategies will share some elements that reflect this nationalism of impoverished peripheries. Our results call for further conceptualisation of the dynamics of stateless nationalism in ‘poorer’ regions.
 

Panel 9.4 Public-private partnerships in public policies


Il Partenariato Pubblico Privato (PPP) è ormai sempre più diffuso nei processi di formulazione e attuazione delle politiche pubbliche. Da un lato, assistiamo al proliferare di dispositivi partecipativi e deliberativi volti a includere attori non eletti (esperti, organizzazioni private profit e non profit, associazioni e gruppi di base, comuni cittadini) in maniera strutturata e trasparente nel disegno delle politiche. Dall’altro, le amministrazioni pubbliche, soprattutto a livello locale, ricorrono in misura crescente a quelle forme di co-implementazione o esternalizzazione di servizi e produzione di beni pubblici che la Banca Mondiale ha definito come “contratti tra un soggetto privato e un’entita? pubblica, per la fornitura di un bene o servizio pubblico, nel quale il soggetto privato assume rischi significativi e la responsabilita? di gestione e la remunerazione sono legate ai risultati”.

Il dibattito su opportunità e insidie di queste nuove modalità di azione pubblica, dove l’attore politico e l’amministrazione pubblica mantiene l’ultima parola nei processi decisionali e il controllo formale nei processi di attuazione, è tutt’ora aperto.

Il panel accoglie contributi che, da una prospettiva di governance multilivello, contribuiscano a costruire un panorama delle forme e delle implicazioni delle partnership pubblico-privato nelle politiche pubbliche, con particolare attenzione alle politiche di livello sub-nazionale, dove queste pratiche sono ormai all’ordine del giorno.

Alcune esempi di temi di interesse (non esclusivo):

Quali forme assumono le partnership pubblico-private, in Italia e in altri contesti nazionali?

Quale ruolo giocano i diversi attori e come indirizzano i processi decisionali che sostanziano il disegno e l’attuazione delle politiche? Si pensi al ruolo delle fondazioni filantropiche (di origine bancaria, corporate, familiari, di comunità o di scopo), delle grandi multinazionali, delle società di consulenza private, delle banche e delle assicurazioni, delle associazioni di categoria, delle organizzazioni non profit, dei comuni cittadini.

Come mutano per effetto delle PPP le forme del governare, le relazioni tra centro e periferia e tra i diversi livelli istituzionali, l’efficacia dell’azione pubblica, la sostenibilità finanziaria e la capacità amministrativa delle organizzazioni pubbliche?

Quali divari (territoriali, politici, sociali) emergono per effetto dell’adozione di queste forme di collaborazione pubblico-privato?

In particolare rispetto alle politiche connesse al Piano Nazionale di Ripresa e Resilienza (PNRR) e alla transizione ecologica e-o digitale che hanno un asse di intervento trasversale prioritario nella riduzione dei divari territoriali, generazionali e di genere:
- Quali forme assumono le partnership pubblico-private ? Quale valore aggiunto e quali problemi solleva l’intervento delle fondazioni filantropiche e-o dei privati for profit nelle PPP che si sono attivate? Quali divari vengono presi in considerazione, come vengono declinati e come si intende ridurli nelle nella progettazione e nella realizzazione delle politiche di queste PPP?

Chairs: Paola Arrigoni, Stefania Ravazzi

Discussants: Davide Caselli

Configurazioni di reti e partenariati pubblico – privati nelle politiche antiviolenza: quali le sfide e le poste in gioco?
Anna Gadda
Abstract
Il contributo proposto intende portare una riflessione sulla prospettiva di governance multilivello, e sulle diverse implicazioni delle partnership pubblico-privato territoriali nell’ambito delle politiche pubbliche per la prevenzione e il contrasto alla violenza maschile contro le donne [di seguito politiche antiviolenza]. Il contributo parte dai risultati delle indagini realizzate nell’ambito del Progetto ViVa, “Valutazione e analisi degli interventi di prevenzione e contrasto alla violenza contro le donne”, condotto da IRPPS-CNR in base a un accordo di collaborazione con il Dipartimento per le Pari Opportunità presso la Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri (DPO), 2017-2021 e 2022-2025. Le politiche antiviolenza, essendo relativamente recenti (Toffanin, 2021), si stanno configurando come una «nuova istanza per le politiche sociali» (Cimagalli, 2014), in quanto politiche che poggiano, da un lato, su premesse, rappresentazioni, matrici di agency e declinazioni di empowerment proprie delle politiche di welfare, e dall’altro, sulla centralità di metodi di lavoro come co-programmazione e co-progettazione, finalizzati alla costituzione di partenariati pubblico-privati attraverso la sottoscrizione di protocolli di rete. Il contributo intende riflettere in particolare da una parte sugli strumenti di governo regionali adottati per costruire processi di co-programmazione e co-progettazione e parimenti su quel luogo di «sfida simbolica» (Melucci, 1996) che avviene nell’incontro/scontro tra pratiche e metodologie dei centri antiviolenza (Cav) e culture e routine professionali dei servizi generali (tra cui ospedali, comandi di polizia e carabinieri, servizi sociali) nella implementazione di strategie di intervento territoriale. Un luogo in cui lo spazio di azione varia da territorio a territorio e dipende dalle interazioni tra cornici normative regionali, ruolo delle istituzioni locali e ruolo, radicamento e riconoscimento dei Cav, oltre che dalle dinamiche di potere che si osservano nelle interazioni tra i diversi soggetti coinvolti. Si tratta di luoghi in cui la posta in gioco è il potenziale trasformativo delle pratiche dei Cav e la centralità della dimensione intersezionale e di genere nella costruzione di politiche e di interventi antiviolenza (Toffanin, 2021). Il contributo intende, pertanto, presentare i diversi ambiti in cui si possono osservare tensioni tra pratiche dei Cav e culture professionali e routine dei servizi generali: dalla rappresentazione di cosa è un centro antiviolenza e dei significati della sua azione alla difficoltà dei servizi generali nel leggere la violenza con uno sguardo di genere (con il possibile effetto di non riconoscere gli agiti del maltrattante come atti di violenza); dalla tendenza dei servizi generali a riproporre matrici di agency imperniate sulla «meritevolezza» e responsabilizzazione della donna, alla loro difficoltà nel tenere al centro dell’intervento la libertà e l’autodeterminazione delle donne, che sono invece il fulcro dell’approccio di genere e della metodologia dei Cav stessi. Il contributo si basa su dati qualitativi e quantitativi raccolti negli anni di svolgimento del Progetto ViVa, coinvolgendo sia i Cav che i servizi generali.
Il megaprogetto della diga foranea di Genova un caso studio del "regime urbano" di Bucci e Toti
Emanuele Nebbia Colomba
Abstract
Il 4 Maggio è stata posata la prima pietra della nuova diga foranea di Genova, si tratta dell’opera singola più costosa del PNRR, dal valore di 1,3 miliardi che consentirà di far attraccare in porto navi di pescaggio maggiore (il cosiddetto gigantismo navale) per mantenere la competitività del porto di Genova nei traffici internazionali. Il mega progetto ha visto una molteplicità di soggetti pubblici e privati coinvolti, i fondi sono stati affidati all’Autorità di sistema portuale del Mar Ligure orientale (Adsp) che ha predisposto un bando di gara per individuare un soggetto attuatore e sono stati previsti anche dei meccanismi di partecipazione della popolazione. Una costellazione di attori pubblici ha avuto un ruolo nel progetto: il Sindaco della città e Commissario per il Ponte Morandi Bucci e il Presidente della regione Toti hanno investito politicamente nel progetto, parte del cosiddetto “Modello Genova”; per Presidente dell’Adsp Signorini, (di nomina di Toti stesso e del Ministero delle Infrastrutture e della mobilità sostenibile) costituirà il più importante progetto infrastrutturale nell’arco dei suoi due mandati. Alcuni attori privati come Gianluigi Aponte presidente del gruppo MSC o il terminalista Aldo Spinelli beneficeranno molto dell’opera e hanno pubblicamente elogiato l’operato degli attori pubblici. Il presente paper intende da un lato indagare sulle relazioni tra attori pubblici e privati andando a comporre una social network analyisis, dall’altro utilizzare il mega-progetto della diga come prisma o caso di studio per indagare il “regime urbano” (Stone 1989; Moini e D’Albergo 2015; Belligni e Ravazzi 2013) di Genova. Infatti, nel 2015 per il centro-sinistra ligure si chiude un ciclo elettorale, Toti sostituisce Burlando alla guida della regione e poco dopo Bucci sostituisce il sindaco Doria a Genova , tutti gli attori sono stati riconfermati per il secondo mandato. Questo paper ipotizza che da allora si sia creato un nuovo regime urbano “multiscalare” e lo indaga attraverso la triangolazione di interviste ad attori chiave, analisi di documenti e newspaper analyisis.
La co-programmazione dei servizi di accoglienza e integrazione. Il caso studio di Milano.
Federico Cuomo, Giancarlo Vecchi, Tommaso Agasisti
Abstract
In Italia, amministrazioni locali di vario livello stanno sperimentando con sempre maggior insistenza modalità di co-programmazione e co-progettazione, in cui attori pubblici e privati sono chiamati a cooperare con l’obiettivo di ideare e fornire beni, gestire servizi e implementare attività di interesse collettivo (Fazzi 2021). Tali dispositivi di collaborazione sono diffusi in molti campi di policy, dalla sanità alla gestione dei beni comuni, dalla rigenerazione urbana all’inclusione sociale (Rossi e Colombo 2019). A livello locale, uno degli ambiti in cui i processi di collaborazione strutturata sembrano aver raccolto maggior successo è quello della gestione dei servizi di accoglienza e integrazione (SAI). I SAI prevedono la fornitura di strutture, prodotti e attività funzionali ad accogliere un eterogeneo insieme di persone provenienti da paesi stranieri, dai richiedenti e titolari di protezione internazionale ai minori non accompagnati, dalle vittime di calamità ai migranti con permesso di soggiorno per cure mediche (Campomori e Ferraco 2018). Su scala comunale, i SAI si fondano su consolidate partnership pubblico-private (PPP), basate su una stretta collaborazione tra organi periferici dello stato, comuni, fondazioni ed organizzazioni no-profit. Per lungo tempo, le PPP dei SAI sono state regolate attraverso tradizionali procedure di appalto di servizi, fondate su una logica prestazionale, in cui l’amministrazione pubblica locale definiva il numero e la qualità dei prodotti da erogare, stabiliva criteri valutativi ed assegnava il servizio all’ente del Terzo settore in grado di ottenere il punteggio più elevato. Negli ultimi anni, però, la letteratura ha sottolineato come le procedure di affidamento dei servizi abbiano generato disfunzioni, contribuendo ad abbassare il livello qualitativo complessivo dei servizi (Giannelli 2010). Tre principali problemi hanno messo in dubbio l’efficacia dell’affidamento. In primo luogo, le procedure di esternalizzazione hanno innescato dinamiche concorrenziali nocive tra gli enti del Terzo settore che, unitamente all’affermazione del ‘massimo ribasso’ come criterio di selezione, sembrano aver svilito la qualità dell’offerta. Inoltre, gli enti vincitori vengono costretti a sottostare a vincoli procedurali troppo rigidi, che impediscono di rimodulare in-itinere i servizi per rispondere ad emergenze e criticità improvvise. Infine, l’esternalizzazione ha limitato l’integrazione dei servizi, frammentando le varie fasi del processo di accoglienza e integrazione, e scoraggiando al tempo stesso un approccio di filiera, volto ad accompagnare il beneficiario attraverso un oculato e graduale processo di integrazione. Per tentare di rivedere le modalità di gestione dei SAI, andando oltre la semplice esternalizzazione dei servizi, alcuni comuni italiani hanno di recente avviato processi di co-programmazione e, più diffusamente, di co-progettazione (Brunod 2016). Mentre quest’ultima ha attirato l’interesse di numerosi studiosi nell’ambito delle politiche pubbliche, venendo ampliamente approfondita (Profeti e Tarditi 2019; Bianchi e Casula 2023), la co-programmazione dei servizi appare ancora scarsamente problematizzata, tanto che i suoi tratti distintivi, così come i potenziali benefici e svantaggi, restano poco esplorati attraverso lenti analitiche. A livello teorico, la co-programmazione viene riconosciuta come un processo finalizzato ‘all'individuazione, da parte della pubblica amministrazione procedente, dei bisogni da soddisfare, degli interventi a tal fine necessari, delle modalità di realizzazione degli stessi e delle risorse disponibili’ (Codice del terzo Settore, art. 55). La letteratura internazionale ha inoltre evidenziato come i processi di co-programmazione dei servizi implichino il coinvolgimento degli utenti o destinatari nella definizione dei bisogni (Talbot 2008; Trischler et al. 2019). Nonostante la co-programmazione abbia guadagnato il proprio spazio sotto il profilo teorico, a livello pratico resta da capire come sono governati tali processi e quali caratteristiche assumono concretamente. Attraverso un approccio qualitativo, basato sull’osservazione partecipante e sulla conduzione di interviste semi-strutturate, il contributo proposto presenta e discute, anche alla luce della letteratura sulla Collaborative Governance (Ansell and Gash 2008), il caso studio della co-programmazione del SAI di Milano, per definire meglio i contorni dei processi di co-programmazione, individuando le modalità di conduzione, le potenzialità e i limiti di tali percorsi. Le conclusioni preliminari suggeriscono come la co-programmazione possa rappresentare un ottimo strumento complementare che, se sapientemente combinato alla co-progettazione, può attutire dinamiche concorrenziali, facilitando la collaborazione, il reperimento di risorse aggiuntive e la diffusione di un approccio di filiera. Tuttavia, in determinate circostanze, tali percorsi rischiano di assumere una funzione prettamente simbolica, non distanziandosi significativamente dalle tradizionali dinamiche dell’esternalizzazione,
Public–Private Partnerships for the Organisational Innovation of Defence Policy: The Case of Israel
Megghi Pengili
Abstract
Author: Megghi Pengili e-mail:ptmp@leeds.ac.uk Affiliation: PhD candidate University of Leeds Asst. Editor @ Civil Wars Journal Non-Resident Fellow @ Blavatnik ICRC, Tel Aviv University, Israel Title: Public–Private Partnerships for the organisational Innovation of Defence Policy: The Case of Israel From procurement tools for military edge (modernisation) to enablers of organisational novelties for strategic edge (transformation), partnerships between industry and public bodies are increasingly dominating the governance of the defence ecosystem. By disseminating specialised knowledge, these PPPs orientate the conduct of the defence policy and promote its resilience, competitiveness, and sustainability. De facto, there is a growing interest from defence establishments within and beyond the state to harness the potential of these knowledge communities to achieve strategic objectives by focusing on public security policy interests such as civilian defence, homeland security and national security interests. This observation raises one question: Which partnership model can induce innovation within defence institutions? To answer the question, the analysis investigates into the factors and actors that shape the ‘epistemic (knowledge) authority’ of the Israeli defence partnerships in the national security policy.
 

Panel 9.5 Industrial paternalism. Regulating the local level


Versione inglese:
This panel focuses on how different actors shape territory in local contexts, paying attention to private and public actors – and their relationship – in a layered and negotiated understanding of political regulation. Territory can be organised, regulated and ordered through different activities, involving both material and symbolic operations. In light of the processes of industrial decline, deindustrialisation, and the apparent dematerialisation of labour, new analytical and conceptual tools are required, to take into account the tensions between multiple scales (involving both governmental subsidiarity and economic/financial strategies) and different degrees and forms of territorialisation, de-territorialisation, re-territorialisation.
The interpretative lens through which we would like to see this process is that of paternalism, understood as an asymmetrical mode of action, aimed at the production of supposedly beneficial effects, developed within legitimising strategies. We are interested in exploring how public actors allow, sustain, reinforce, oppose, question, and change these processes through their regulative practices. This would allow us to discuss the shifting boundaries between spheres of action and regulation (public/private/hybrid), legitimation and contestation, in a complex balance between politicisation and depoliticization of territorial governance.
We encourage reflections exploring how productive activities can become structuring elements of the socio-economic, spatial, and environmental organisation of territories as a result of implicit and explicit negotiations. We are interested in learning about case studies, and we welcome ethnographic research, fieldwork and qualitative analyses, historical examination in the following areas (not exclusively): local welfare supporting employees of specific industries, and its relationship with public welfare; local environmental projects “greening” exhausted brownfields, their relationship with environmental concerns, and how they can be connected to touristic strategies of territorial development; building and development of entire cities/towns, and what happens in the aftermath of industrial decline; reinvestment of profits in social and cultural causes, either directly or through intermediary bodies, and other forms of compensation; the relationship between employment, wages, labour and local development strategies; how government coalitions and (smaller-than) urban regimes are constituted in these territories.

Versione italiana:
Questo panel si concentra sul modo in cui diversi attori danno forma al territorio nei contesti locali, prestando attenzione a quelli pubblici e privati - e alle loro relazioni - in una comprensione stratificata e negoziata della regolazione politica. Il territorio può essere organizzato, regolato e ordinato attraverso diverse attività, che coinvolgono operazioni sia materiali che simboliche. Alla luce dei processi di declino industriale, di deindustrializzazione e dell'apparente dematerializzazione del lavoro, sono necessari nuovi strumenti analitici e concettuali che tengano conto delle tensioni tra multiple scale (che coinvolgono sia la sussidiarietà del governo sia le strategie economico-finanziarie) e diversi gradi e forme di territorializzazione, de-territorializzazione, ri-territorializzazione.
La lente interpretativa attraverso cui vorremmo vedere questo processo è quella del paternalismo, inteso come modalità di azione asimmetrica, finalizzata alla produzione di effetti presumibilmente benefici, sviluppata all'interno di strategie di legittimazione. Ci interessa esplorare i modi in cui gli attori pubblici permettono, sostengono, rafforzano, si oppongono, mettono in discussione, cambiano questi processi attraverso le loro pratiche regolative. Questo ci permetterà di indagare i confini mutevoli tra sfere di azione e di regolazione (pubblica/privata/ibrida), legittimazione e contestazione, in un complesso equilibrio tra politicizzazione e depoliticizzazione della governance territoriale.
Incoraggiamo riflessioni che esplorino come le attività produttive possano diventare elementi strutturanti dell'organizzazione socio-economica, spaziale e ambientale dei territori come risultato di negoziazioni implicite ed esplicite. Siamo interessati a discutere casi studio e accogliamo proposte di ricerca etnografica, di lavoro sul campo e analisi qualitativa, l'esame storico dei seguenti temi (lista non esclusiva): il welfare locale a sostegno dei dipendenti di specifiche industrie e il suo rapporto con il welfare pubblico; progetti ambientali locali di "greening" di aree industriali dismesse, il loro rapporto con le tematiche ambientali e il modo in cui possono essere collegati a strategie turistiche di sviluppo territoriale; costruzione e sviluppo di intere città e cosa vi accade dopo il declino industriale; reinvestimento dei profitti in progetti sociali e culturali, direttamente o attraverso corpi intermedi, e altre forme di compensazione; il rapporto tra occupazione, salari, lavoro e strategie di sviluppo locale; come si costituiscono le coalizioni di governo e i regimi urbani (o locali) in questi territori.

Chairs: Tommaso Frangioni, Cecilia Pasini

 

Panel 9.6 THE STREET-LEVEL BUREAUCRACY (SLB) LENS: Discretion and coping-mechanisms for public services provision in multilevel settings (I)


The Street-Level Bureaucracy (SLB) theoretical framework, introduced by Lipsky (1980) more than 40 years ago, has had considerable recognition from the scientific community, especially in the United States and in the UK. However, contributions in the field have also considerably increased in the EU countries and in particular in northern Europe, especially in the Netherlands (Barberis, Paraciani, Saruis 2019). In contrast, the adoption of the SLB theory in the Southern and Eastern EU countries is still scarce. Only in recent times the interest in the topic is rising in these contexts, such as in Greece (Exadaktylos et al. 2021; Witcher 2021), Italy (Barberis, Paraciani and Saruis 2019; Leonardi and Stefani 202; Dallara and Lacchei 2021; Raspanti and Saruis 2021) and Poland (Gajewska, K.2017; Klaus and Szulecka 2021).
Thus, this panel aims at gathering scholars that study public service delivery with the lens of the SLB theory in Europe. The Session’s contribution to the SLB theory is threefold.
First, we want to understand SLB’s effectiveness in countries with very different characteristics from those in which SLB theory was born and developed. Indeed, context plays a crucial role, since various institutional and organisational settings (Jewell 2007) and different conceptions about citizenship, solidarity, and trust clearly affect service implementation (Rice 2017; Møller and Stensöta 2019).
Secondly, our goal is to set the scene for SLB theory in Europe developing new analytical tools relevant for the whole discipline. In the awareness that the state of knowledge on SLB is characterised by multiple diversity in terms of conceptualisations, research designs, epistemological positions and methods (Hupe, Hill and Buffet 2019), we would like to bring researchers working on SLB in Europe together with respect to their shared interest in studying the subject.
Finally, we are interested in analyzing how SLB use discretion and other mechanisms in service delivery to cope with complex implementation processes, whit what impacts on users and on multilevel settings.
The panel welcome papers that reflect on how discretion is used, street-level bureaucrats’ work context characteristics, the relationships between frontline workers and clients, as well as the impact of Street-level organizations in local policy implementation. Works comparing different local contexts, tasks, professionals or organisations are extremely welcomed.

Chairs: Matteo Bassoli, Cristina Dallara, Giorgia Nesti

Discussants: Matteo Bassoli

Building street-level capacity. The role of discretionality in a policy for problem gambling prevention
Niccolò Aimo, Federico Cuomo
Abstract
This article studies the implementation of a policy for the prevention of problem gambling in the metropolitan area of Turin (Italy). The research adopts the theoretical lens offered by the street-level bureaucracy framework, to understand how social workers develop individual policy capacities in the implementation of highly discretionary tasks. The street-level bureaucracy (SLB) framework is one of the most established theoretical perspectives on policy implementation. Lipsky’s (1980) work on SLB questioned the traditional top-down approach adopted by other classic authors (Pressman & Wildawsky 1973; Bardach 1977), pushing towards the development of bottom-up research frameworks on policy implementation (see Hill & Hupe 2021). The original conception of street-level bureaucracy proposed by Lipsky identifies discretionality as closely related to routines and coping strategies. Lipsky, in fact, highlights how low-level bureaucrats build routinary schemes of action in response to strict rules and controls imposed from above. The application of routines and coping strategies, in turn, changes the de facto structure of the policy, also influencing its original goals and expected outcomes. Over time, the success of the SLB framework has generated a large body of studies, which mainly concentrates on public service provision in welfare-state systems. This is confirmed in a recent literature review by Chang and Brewer (2022) which identifies social welfare, education, health, and employment among the main policy domains involved in SLB research. This is also confirmed in other reviews (Nothdurfter and Hermans 2018; Tummers et al. 2015) that identify social policy and social work as two of the main categories of SLB research. Perhaps more surprisingly, the literature on SLB has seen substantial development also in policy sectors characterized by a strong regulatory environment, such as law enforcement (Hupe, Hill & Buffat 2015; Chang and Brewer 2022). Another area of interest for SLB research is public management (Hupe, Hill & Buffat 2021). This literature focuses on the positives and negatives of discretionality, together with the strategies that public managers can employ to navigate the opportunities and challenges (Bannink, Six and Wijk 2015; Nothdurfter and Hermans 2018). Research on management has been focusing also on the relation between discretionality and public administration reforms. On this side, the main focus of research has been on New Public Management (Zimmermann et al.2014; Nothdurfter and Hermans 2018) and digital governance innovations (Buffat 2013; Busch & Henriksen 2018; Barberis, Paracianis and Saruis 2019). Despite the large expansion of this literature, we identify a gap in the relation between SLB and policy capacity. Following the seminal conceptualization by Wu, Howlett & Ramesh (2018), we understand policy capacity as the set of competences, skills and resources needed to perform policymaking. While previous conceptualisations of policy capacity were heavily focused on policy formulation and design, one of the strengths of Wu, Howlett & Ramesh (2018) conceptualization is the ability to encompass the whole policy process, including implementation. In this paper, we identify a point of connection between SLB and policy capacity. Both the approaches share the interest on the individual dimension of policymaking, and are concerned with the effect of individual behavior on performance and policy outcomes. So far, the relation between discretionality and policy capacity has been scarcely investigated in the academic field. To our knowledge, no previous study has investigated the role of discretionality in capacity building at the individual level. This paper aims to fill this gap, presenting the results of a local policy implementation study conducted in the metropolitan area of Turin (Italy). Our research question is the following: how do street-level bureaucrats use discretionality to build and develop individual policy capacities? The case selected for empirical analysis is a public pilot project for the prevention of problem gambling in public venues. The project wishes to change the traditional dynamic of Italian problem gambling policies, moving from a customer-to-service approach to a service-to-customer one. In other words, the public service is taking a proactive stance placing a “task-force” of social workers in proximity of public gambling venues, to intercept problem gamblers and establish first contact. Despite the abundance of literature on SLB in the field of social work this case presents a peculiarity, making it particularly suited for our analysis. This case represents, in fact, the first experience of its kind in Italy. In addition, no evidence of similar policies was found in the international literature on gambling prevention. In such an unprecedented context, street-level bureaucrats tasked with implementation need to build individual policy capacities as the project develops. This means a process of trial and error on the field, in which discretionality plays a pivotal role. Given the uniqueness of the policy, and the absence of previous studies, we opted for a qualitative case-study methodology. The bulk of our data was collected through a longitudinal ethnographic study on three gambling venues where the project was implemented, between the months of April and July 2023. The method adopted is a semi-covert participant observation: the social workers did know the full scope of our research, but our role was not disclosed to the gamblers or the venues’ personnel. In preparation for the observation, we conducted a series of semi-structured interviews with the operators, as well as public managers at various levels of responsibility on the project.
Context matters: spaces and uses for discretion in asylum adjudication in Italy and France
Alice Lacchei
Abstract
In the last decade, asylum has been at the centre of public and political debate within the European Union, which has largely intervened in this policy field though the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Although it is not widely known, in some European countries, judicial systems became crucial institutions in the migration governance as implementers of a key step of the EU asylum policy, asylum adjudication at the appeal stage. According to EU law, asylum claims are usually processed at first instance by government officials in the country of asylum. When asylum seekers receive a total or partially negative decision on their first instance claim, they have the right to appeal either through legal or administrative institutions depending on the country (Gill and Good 2019). The aim of the article is that of opening the ‘black box’ of asylum adjudication at the appeal stage in order to understand how it is actually implemented in asylum courts and, thus, offer a picture of the complexity of the whole EU and national asylum systems. In doing so, it benefits from the Street Level Bureaucracy (SLB) by focusing on asylum judges as Street-Level Bureaucrats (Lipsky 1980) and asylum courts as Street-Level Organisations (Brodkin 2011). SLB has been already used to study the asylum determination process at first instance (Dahlvik 2018; Miaz 2017) showing how asylum adjudicators exercise high discretion in the execution of their work, developing practices and routines in their daily work and in this way re-interpreting and shaping asylum policy. Although judges were rarely considered a crucial actor in the analysis of specific policy implementation, they were originally placed by Lipsky (1980) in the list of street-level bureaucrats. Some scholars have already stressed the potential of this approach in studying judges and judicial institutions (Halliday et al. 2009; Tata 2007; Biland and Steinmetz 2017; Dallara and Lacchei 2021; Gershgoren and Cohen 2023). Drawing on these contributions, the article investigates the spaces and uses of discretion exercised by asylum judges, focusing on the influence of the context (Hupe and Buffat 2014). More precisely, the article considers contextual variables stemming from the macro-level and meso-level and their influence on asylum judges’ discretion. Indeed, practices, actions, and preferences of Street-Level Bureaucrats are embedded into the wider organisational and institutional context (Lipsky 1980). Thus, this research looks at institutional and organisational arrangements which may affect the extent, the spaces, and uses of discretion for asylum judges. Considering institutional and organisational arrangements in studying the implementation of asylum appeals is extremely relevant due to the fact that, although the CEAS aims at harmonizing asylum adjudication among EU countries, it leaves high margin for discretion in the implementation process at national level. As a consequence, member states opt for very different models, especially at the appeal stage (Gill et al. 2022). In order to grasp the influence of the context, the article follows the suggestion of Hupe and Buffat (2014) to apply SLB to comparative studies. More precisely, the research focuses on Italy and France. Both have recently experienced a consistent increase in asylum claims in courts, deciding on the merit of a huge number of cases (Italian Ministry of the Interior 2019; CNDA 2019). Moreover, they are generally compared in research on judicial systems as similar cases. However, they adopted different models for asylum adjudication in terms of types of body responsible for asylum appeals, internal organisation, judges’ appointment and background and available resources. As regards methods, the article is based on ethnographic research and offers a triangulation of methods. Data have been collected through the observation of 350 hearings in 5 italian asylum court-sections and 113 hearings at the Cour National du Droit d’Asile (CNDA). Observation has been integrated with shadowing with 23 Italian judges and 9 French judges and with 33 semi-structured interviews to Italian judges and 34 to French ones. Results suggest that the context plays a crucial role in shaping the extent, space, and use of discretion of asylum judges. Among other contextual factors, differences in available resources, especially in terms of professionals and services in support of asylum judges, as well as internal organisational arrangements, seem extremely relevant in influencing these street-level bureaucrats in action.
Gli street level bureaucrats nelle politiche ambientali. Come la politica di semplificazione fallisce nella fase di implementazione
Paola Coletti
Abstract
The policies designed by the European regulator encounter obstacles in the implementation phase at national level but even more so at a regional and local level. Among the causes there is also the discretion with which officials adopt and apply the rules, as illustrated by the literature related to Street level bureaucracy (Lipsky 1980; Jewell 2007; Dallara and Lacchei 2021;). Environmental policy has been characterized by a solid political expansion, and EU environmental legislation has grown from a few dozen laws in the 1970s to over 400 (Delreux and Happaerts 2016). Environmental overregulation has been at the center of debate (Majone 1999). Considering the overload of administrative burdens on businesses stemming from European regulation, in 2007 the EU Commission launched an Action Programme for dismantling public policies and reducing red tape for businesses. Acknowledging the European environmental dismantling policy, the Italian national government adopted a single environmental authorization provision with the aim of replacing seven different authorizations in 2013. The effect of this simplification action at the subnational levels was a piecemeal implementation among Italian regions. The empirical contribution of the paper consists in assessing whether the environmental policy has been effectively dismantled at the Italian regional level. The analysis will focus on the capabilities of regional and local public administrations which have had unexpected or even contrary consequences to the policy objectives; we will analyze the mechanisms triggered in the dialectics between the actors to manage complex implementation processes such as environmental ones and we will try to understand what influences these actors had. By comparing a set of dimensions (coordinating, regulatory and delivery capacities) related to the Italian regions, the study will show that some unexpected consequences – like a further expansion of the policy or an inertial response to the implementation request – severely undermined the initial objectives of the European Commission’s action.
Implementing Regional Migration Policies in global South regions: An analysis of Argentina and Brazil in Mercosur
Leiza Brumat
Abstract
When regional migration policies ‘hit the ground’, who is in charge of executing these policies and making decisions? This paper will analyse the implementation of Mercosur policies for free residence in Argentina and Brazil, two large receiving countries and two multilevel political settings. It will examine the evolution of the implementation practices at the national and subnational levels in these two countries since the entry into force of the Residence Agreement of Mercosur (RAM) in 2009 until 2022. Based on 39 semi-structured interviews with key policy implementers at the national and subnational levels, official documents and legislation, this paper will explore the interactions between regional, national and local governance actors. It will shed light on the various roles of a wide range of actors with a particular focus on street-level bureaucrats and the allocation of power at the implementation stage. By doing this, it will show the ways in which implementing actors interpret, adapt and execute regional policies in Mercosur, where implementation studies are in their infancy. This paper will expand knowledge on the functioning of regionalism in the global South and on the various forms of public service delivery in contexts of limited state capacity policies in a policy area particularly sensitive for states’ sovereignty i.e., migration.
 

Panel 9.6 THE STREET-LEVEL BUREAUCRACY (SLB) LENS: Discretion and coping-mechanisms for public services provision in multilevel settings (II)


The Street-Level Bureaucracy (SLB) theoretical framework, introduced by Lipsky (1980) more than 40 years ago, has had considerable recognition from the scientific community, especially in the United States and in the UK. However, contributions in the field have also considerably increased in the EU countries and in particular in northern Europe, especially in the Netherlands (Barberis, Paraciani, Saruis 2019). In contrast, the adoption of the SLB theory in the Southern and Eastern EU countries is still scarce. Only in recent times the interest in the topic is rising in these contexts, such as in Greece (Exadaktylos et al. 2021; Witcher 2021), Italy (Barberis, Paraciani and Saruis 2019; Leonardi and Stefani 202; Dallara and Lacchei 2021; Raspanti and Saruis 2021) and Poland (Gajewska, K.2017; Klaus and Szulecka 2021).
Thus, this panel aims at gathering scholars that study public service delivery with the lens of the SLB theory in Europe. The Session’s contribution to the SLB theory is threefold.
First, we want to understand SLB’s effectiveness in countries with very different characteristics from those in which SLB theory was born and developed. Indeed, context plays a crucial role, since various institutional and organisational settings (Jewell 2007) and different conceptions about citizenship, solidarity, and trust clearly affect service implementation (Rice 2017; Møller and Stensöta 2019).
Secondly, our goal is to set the scene for SLB theory in Europe developing new analytical tools relevant for the whole discipline. In the awareness that the state of knowledge on SLB is characterised by multiple diversity in terms of conceptualisations, research designs, epistemological positions and methods (Hupe, Hill and Buffet 2019), we would like to bring researchers working on SLB in Europe together with respect to their shared interest in studying the subject.
Finally, we are interested in analyzing how SLB use discretion and other mechanisms in service delivery to cope with complex implementation processes, whit what impacts on users and on multilevel settings.
The panel welcome papers that reflect on how discretion is used, street-level bureaucrats’ work context characteristics, the relationships between frontline workers and clients, as well as the impact of Street-level organizations in local policy implementation. Works comparing different local contexts, tasks, professionals or organisations are extremely welcomed.

Chairs: Matteo Bassoli, Cristina Dallara, Giorgia Nesti

Discussants: Cristina Dallara

Titolo (provvisorio) - Tra tempi delle politiche e tempi dei fenomeni sociali: lo spazio della discrezionalità.
Cristiana Ranieri
Abstract
La “discrezionalità” è stata fatta oggetto di approfondimento in un’indagine nazionale (Inapp 2021 e 2022) sull’implementazione di misure di contrasto alla povertà e inclusione attiva (REI/RDC), da parte dei soggetti territoriali preposti alla loro attuazione (Servizi sociali comunali, Ambiti sociali territoriali, Centri per l’Impiego), con approccio quantitativo (censuario per ATS e CPI; campionario per SSC) e qualitativo attraverso Focus groups, nei contesti regionali del Paese. Tra gli aspetti che possono entrare in gioco nel processo di implementazione della policy, si è approfondito come il “fattore discrezionalità” interviene nella dinamica organizzativa e nei meccanismi di funzionamento. L’incontro con attori territoriali intercetta stagioni di riforme, ripensamenti e innovazioni sul punto d'incontro tra il sistema di welfare e i cittadini, cambiamenti nel “setting di servizio” nel fronteggiare nuove esigenze, interpretare compiti attribuiti. Quanto emerge permette una riflessione su come tale spazio “del livello della strada” (Lipsky 1980) entri in gioco con “agency situata” (Cappellato, Cataldi, Scavarda 2021), che rappresenta al tempo stesso una trasversalità comune a più situazioni, a professioni e contesti complessi e mutevoli (Sarius 2017). In Italia alcuni livelli analitici degli spazi discrezionali (Andreotti et all. 2020) riguardano la relazione tra processo di presa in carico, standardizzazione dell’intervento e territorializzazione ed integrano la letteratura sulla street-level bureaucracy con quella sulla governance multilivello e territorializzazione delle politiche di welfare mettendo a fuoco come nel ‘contatto’ con l’utenza si superi una prospettiva top-down caratterizzata da funzioni meramente esecutive, impersonali, da regole che interagiscono con utenti standardizzati (Barberis et all. 2019). Quello della discrezionalità, nei focus groups rappresenta un contenuto dai contorni non specificatamente riconducibile a definizioni derivanti dal disegno della politica di intervento come quello, ad es., della “condizionalità” (contrassegnato in una accezione prescrittiva). Nel complesso le declinazioni sono rappresentate: come autonomia nel poter organizzare proposte, nel modo di immaginare il rapporto con i beneficiari, nell’intercettare richieste del territorio; nel ruolo legato al proprio mandato professionale che compete all'interno del processo di implementazione della policy; come scelte, responsabilità, esercitate in una sfera decisionale, nella possibilità di intervenire. Nel contesto di funzionamento si fa riferimento alla esaustività delle norme, alla copertura delle casistiche e, ai vincoli che il processo prevede, ai servizi che possono essere attivati. Nell’indagine quantitativa, il fattore discrezionalità è considerato in via prioritaria “una realtà ineliminabile nell’erogazione dei servizi sociali”, sia da ATS sia da SSC, che “umanizza il rapporto con il beneficiario”, meno marcato il fatto che “dovrebbe limitarsi a casi eccezionali” così come, in ultimo, che sia “un fattore di arbitrarietà, che può produrre ulteriori disuguaglianze”. Per i CPI la considerazione prevalente è che garantisce maggiore capacità di risposta ai bisogni specifici dell’utenza (personalizzazione), non dissimile a quella dei SSC, pur evidenziando che “dovrebbe limitarsi a casi eccezionali (definiti da protocolli standard)”. Sui possibili effetti dell’esercizio di discrezionalità nei rapporti con l’utenza se ne evidenzia, da parte dei SSC, il miglioramento nell’uniformità e nella trasparenza delle procedure non trascurando i rischi rispetto all’uniformità nel trattamento con l’utenza, il carico per gli operatori e nella valutazione. Dai CPI emerge, viceversa, la considerazione che possa avere effetti peggiorativi più che migliorativi. Sui profili empirici risultanti è emersa una variabilità per ripartizione geografica. Alcune variabilità emergono altresì dai focus group, a livello di servizio in relazione: all’utenza (dal segnalare e indirizzare le persone a gestire i tempi e la reperibilità, dalle difficoltà in fase iniziale al distinguere l'aspetto lavorativo dal socioassistenziale) e ai progetti personalizzati (da un allargamento della platea, dei bisogni e la necessità di rispondere in maniera diversa a come è strutturata l'offerta); al contesto organizzativo/di sistema e territoriale (condizioni di poter operare, dal carico lavorativo ad una frammentazione del processo e delle opportunità, uffici e persone e anche tecnologie). In questo ‘crocevia’, l’importanza dell’essere a contatto con i problemi reali permea la relazione tra ruolo e mandato del lavoro sociale e investe un margine di discrezionalità dell’azione in uno spazio intermedio tra linee di politica sociale e risposta al bisogno. Un ‘campo’ che affronta spazi di indeterminatezza delle norme (Ghezzi, 2022), esposto a pressioni di diverso tipo nel mediare la riproduzione di strutture istituzionali e l’introduzione di elementi di mutamento. Mettere in luce una sfera di ‘autonomia decisionale’ significa anche considerare questi attori attivi nel processo di policy-making attraverso il pieno esercizio dell’agency di cui strutturalmente si dispone (Cappellato et all 2021), nell’evidenziare discrepanze che possono crearsi tra beneficiari e servizi, zone grigie, tra piano normativo e delle pratiche. La prospettiva street-level ha reso possibile il superamento dell’idea di ‘potere discrezionale’ dell’operatore come mera violazione delle norme e della visione del lavoro degli operatori come atto meramente esecutivo, mettendo in luce la rilevanza di questo spazio (Zacha 2017). Il presente contributo si propone per confrontare i frame emersi sulla discrezionalità, tra dispositivi prescrittivi e ‘veridicità’ della dinamica di prossimità con il bisogno, in una matrice empirica che intreccia ricostruzione teorica concettuale con le questioni sollecitate nella call.
Neighbors with Benefits: How Politicians' Local Ties Generate Positive Externalities When Bureaucratic Oversight is Limited
Daniel Kovarek
Abstract
Existing literature suggests bureaucrats shirk when political oversight is limited or inefficient. When civil servants engage in multitasking, elected office holders have neither the capacity nor the incentives to monitor bureaucrat–citizen interactions. I argue that under such circumstances, public servants prioritize fixing and responding to local anomalies which are located in the immediate vicinity of politicians. Using a novel dataset on geolocated citizen problem reports in Hungary (N=24,149), matched against addresses of mayors, I find that proximity to mayors' domiciles is associated with more prompt responses from authorities. Results suggest politicians' local roots generate positive externalities for their neighbors, as civil servants are incentivized to put those reports on the back burner which are the most invisible for their political principals. Further analyses suggest response speed is also positively associated with incumbent mayors' re-election chances. The findings refine our understanding on political oversight of bureaucrats and voters' expectations about likely behavior of locally embedded civil servants.
On the importance of street-level bureaucrats in the implementation of drug policy: the case of syringe exchange programs in Portuguese and Spanish prisons
Mafalda Escada, Catherine Moury
Abstract
In 1997, Spain introduced a successful pilot syringe exchange program in a Basque prison: more than 16500 kits were distributed, no increase in drug use was registered, risks of blood-borne viral infections decreased, and the program facilitated greater contact of people in prison with drug addiction treatment programs. The pilot program was then gradually extended to other Spanish prisons. By 2003, the program was implemented in all Spanish prisons. In 2007, a similar pilot syringe exchange program was launched in two Portuguese prisons. However, the program was terminated 6 months after starting the pilot phase, as not a single kit was distributed. Before implementing syringe exchange programs in prisons, both countries had already implemented these programs outside of prison. In the Portuguese case, a significant effort in implementing harm reduction measures such as syringe exchange programs was made in the late 90’s and early 00’s, not only, but also as a part of a strategy accompanying the decriminalization of drug use in 2000. Taking this into account, what explains the different implementation outcomes between the two countries? To answer this question, we rely on literature on policy implementation and deliberation, especially considering guarantees for implementation, such as the role of street level bureaucrats. We argue that street level bureaucrats can cooperate and guarantee a successful implementation, or refuse to cooperate, thus bypassing or sabotaging policy implementation. To demonstrate our argument, we resort to a process-tracing analysis of the implementation of both pilot programs.
The discretionary power of tutorship and School-Work Alternance configurations in Italy
Stefania Chimenti
Abstract
This paper wonders about the contribution of coordinating tutors in the implementation of School-Work Alternance (SWA, thereafter) in the four years following Law 107/2015 and before the new guidelines regarding its reformulation into Pathways for Transversal Skills and Orientation, provided by Law 145/2018. Considering the tutorship as one of the critical resources for the functioning of SWA, the cognitive objective is to highlight the role of SWA coordinating tutor adopting Street-Level Bureaucracy (SLB) perspective, introduced by Lipsky (1980). Street-level bureaucrat (SLB, thereafter) interacts directly with citizens’ needs (in our case, students), influencing the implementation of public policy (SWA) with their practices, establishing the allocation of goods and services (goals and activities of SWA) within society (Brodkin, 2011). The SLBs in SWA model are: in the school context, the school head which ensures SWA implementation, the SWA coordinating tutor, and the school tutors who support the students in SWA projects; and outside the school context, the figure of the host organisation manager and the external tutors who support the student in work setting in SWA projects. The policy indications of Law 105/2015 stimulate the study of SLBs in SWA, and specifically of the SWA coordinating tutor because of its role in designing and implementing SWA programmes, adapting to the concrete needs of the students, taking into account the school addresses (generalist or vocational) and the characteristics of the territorial context that are more or less advantageous to the organisational demands of SWA. In order to be able to mediate between these needs, school SLBs have a specific discretionary power, which translates into the possibility to choose among various modes of action or non-action: they may choose whether to integrate SWA with traditional didactics or comply with commitments (Chimenti, Fasanella and Parziale, 2022). According to recent reflections, the lack of connection between schools and the labour market is one of the central issues in recent reforms of the Italian school system, leaving out the permanent issue of educational inequalities due to social origin, typically in all the most industrialised countries. Nevertheless, the modern school still represents the only universalist pillar of our welfare system: although in a contradictory way, the school acts as a socialisation agency. It is precisely on these latter aspects that it becomes interesting to thematise the SWA compulsory and SLBs’ role. Studies on the SWA applications show the reluctance of the school organisation, especially of the lyceum, to SWA (Giubileo & Scarano, 2018). Furthermore, the fragmentation of the SWA interventions, the implementation of which is often delegated to the commitment of the individual SWA coordinating tutors and the passive adaptation of school to host organisations’ needs by employing students as an additional workforce (Teselli, 2018; Tropea, 2018). Our theoretical frame conceives SWA as a tool of neoliberal reform in education and an outcome of the reorganisation of scholastic knowledge produced by social change and connected to economic tertiarisation (Bernstein, 1973, 2000). In this view, the analysis is based on the hypothesis that SWA may be implemented through different organisational models – as an opportunity to integrate the educational activities carried out by the school or, on the contrary, as a mere application of the provisions introduced by the measure – according to the manner through which schools relate with involved partners and also depending on restraints and resources of the local socio-economic context. The Street-Level Bureaucracy perspective allows a close analysis of the discretionary margins of SWA coordinating tutors. Although qualitative approaches are primarily adopted in SLB research (Brodkin, 2008), our cognitive objectives were reached by elaborating data collected by a survey carried out on SWA coordinating tutors in 432 upper secondary schools in Italy in the 2018-2019 school year. The section on the role of SWA coordinating tutors includes a) closed-answer questions regarding the school’s attitude to tutorship – i.e. the degree of support from school actors, the frequency of adoption of specific criteria in tutor selection, the frequency of specific tutor training pathways, the frequency of adoption of specific criteria for the choice of the SWA pathway; and b) open-answer questions to address the difficulty of operationalising some general and abstract concepts, mainly referring to the coordinator’s discretionary action regarding the type of relationship established with the students and the coordinator’s perspective on future of SWA. The contribution proposes, firstly, the elaboration of two typologies on these final dimensions, which, with the previous ones, allow reconstruction of the profiles of the SWA tutorship emerging in Italian schools. After that, the tutorship profiles are analysed in relation to the school-territorial dimension, i.e. the combination of the type of school education (high school vs technical and vocational) and the three geographical macro-areas (North, Centre, South) and the organisational and curricular dimension of SWA, i.e. the school’s propensity to adopt integrated curricula between traditional curricula and SWA rather than separated curricula. Our results show that the combination of some innovative practices and resources, also influenced by the discretion of crucial actors such as the coordinating tutor, seem to return a new centrality to the educational system concerning its capability to convert a policy that imposes constraints on school autonomy, determined by the compulsory nature of SWA, into a means of influencing on the productive world, without giving away the typical values of public education (Apple, 2012), at least according to the vision of the European and Italian social model.
 

Panel 9.14 1993-2023 - The Roman Vote(r)


Co-sponsorship con lo SG P.O.P.E.
The aim of this panel is to investigate the change that has taken place in the Italian political system, and in the subsystems connected to it, through an analysis of electoral behaviour over the thirty-year period 1993-2023: it is especially selecting our starting situation the first elections after the city mayors’ electoral system reform that we pose our storytelling into action.
In fact, the Italian political scenario has experienced considerable changes that often make scientifically comparative analysis difficult since then, this being especially true in the current context, which, in addition to what has changed over the years, has undergone further changes as a result of the pandemic, particularly in the relationship between public opinion, citizens and parties.

However, science does not allow for improper comparisons, so the analysis will focus on taking the constituencies of the Municipality of Rome as a constant element to maintain an analytical and descriptive coherence of the analysis.
Therefore we consider some dimensions of the vote: the geography of the electoral result and the synchronic competition in the constituencies; the analysis of the systemic effects due to the electoral legislation (parliament, region and municipality) within the same constituency in a pretty wide timeframe. Focusing on the Italian capital city as an electoral constituency, we provide a peculiar understanding of the effect of different electoral systems on citizenship in terms of participation and representation.

We expect data and methodology should be chosen to allow a diachronic and comparative perspective, with relevant graphs and descriptive statistics as a by-product, showing where and what changes occurred during thirty electoral years in Rome.
This panel, part of a wider project, allows an overview that offers a particularly significant contribution to the understanding of subsequent political events.

Chairs: Roberto De Rosa, Dario Quattromani