Section 6 - Political Science and Public Policies
Managers: Marco Di Giulio, Laura Polverari
Read Section abstractThe section hosts panels on the factors and conditions that favor or inhibit innovation and learning in democracies in times of turbulence. The invitation is to deal with transversal issues that can be addressed from multiple perspectives and dimensions: reforms, the public-private relationship, science and new technologies, evaluation, human rights, the role of experts, big data, social and environmental sustainability.
In an era of global change, such as the climate crisis, the pandemic emergency linked to the spread of Covid-19, and the transformation of the balance of power at the international level, the ability to plan, effectively implement, and evaluate the impact of policies and services on beneficiaries will be an important yardstick of public intervention in the coming years.
In this vein, the section calls for panels tackling the complex challenges that governments and communities at various levels – local, national, and supranational – face through the Next Generation EU framework. How can government policies and administrations provide credible answers to new programming and investment opportunities?
Identifying and testing innovative solutions implementing and evaluating their effectiveness regarding old and new problems and needs is now the challenge to measure the success and failure of policies. Moreover, government action’s not always positive impacts suggest considering the potential and limits of new ideas, tools, strategies, governance systems, and new forms of citizen involvement in decision-making processes. In this sense, transversality, coordination, and policy coherence represent new theoretical and methodological challenges.
The section invites proposals of panels, workshops, and round tables on topics that, although traditional, can be treated with innovative techniques and points of view. It also invites the community to reflect on continuity and innovation within the public policy analysis field itself. It invites proponents to reflect on the significant challenges posed, for example, by big data and the use of artificial intelligence (AI), and on the stimuli coming from new approaches, such as the behavioral public policy and the experimental approach to public administration that enrich more consolidated methods and paradigms. Lastly, proposals would also be welcome that relate to: (i) the implementation of devolved policies in a framework of (potential) differentiated autonomy (law decree 1 February 2023); (ii) the digitalization of the public sector and of public policies (e.g. e-health); (iii) administrative capacity building, recruiting and career development of PA staff, also in the light of crisis management, foresight and risk management; (iv) the future directions of public policy and public administration research, and the theories of policy and public administration change, and theory development. Papers that couch the Italian case in wider comparative analyses will be particularly welcome. While paper and panel proposals will be received in both Italian and English, efforts will be paid to organize at least one panel in the English language to attract scholars from abroad.
Panel 6.1 Coping with thorny issues. The role of science in public policy design and communication (I)
The past decade has no doubt witnessed an increase in the number of thorny issues (or, to put it another way, wicked problems) that governments at different levels and in various countries have had to deal with. Examples include the recent pandemic crisis, the environmental hazards and natural disasters related to climate change, as well as the ongoing impact of international turmoil on energy policies and related sectors (e.g., transportation, industry, household income relief etc.). All these issues, which call for complex, innovative and not ready-made solutions, challenge the institutional actors' responsiveness and shed light on the paucity of information and knowledge available to policy makers. Indeed, the latter are at the same time puzzling over the formulation of problems and solutions and must find effective ways to communicate decisions to citizens, whose compliance is often essential to avoid policy failure. As a result, public decision makers are more than ever resorting to outside expertise to design policy interventions as well as to provide legitimacy to the choices they make.
The growing role of professional expertise in contemporary policy making has received increasing scholarly attention. So far, however, the debate has focused mainly on policy advisory systems, paying less attention to addressing the broader relationship between science and policy making. The dialogue between science and policy making is inherently a tricky game: scientists and policy makers have (at least in theory) different goals, different views on the production and use of evidence, different accountabilities, and – not least – a different perception of time. Yet, as we have learnt from the management of the pandemic and the vaccination campaign in Italy, the collaboration (or lack thereof) between scientists and public decision-makers both in policy design and in communication to citizens is a factor of notable importance in affecting both the quality of interventions and target audience perceptions.
Against this background, the panel aims to host papers that, from various perspectives, reflect on the relationship between science and decision-making in the design and communication of policies geared toward solving thorny issues and wicked problems. Papers that address the issue from a comparative perspective will be particularly appreciated, although case studies are not excluded. Both quantitative and qualitative studies are welcome.
Chairs: Stefania Profeti
Discussants: Barbara Saracino
Fifty shades of risk: the narrative of Covid-19 vaccination campaign in three European countriesLaura Mastroianni, Stefania ProfetiAbstractIn the context of vaccination policies, according to the EU and other international health organizations such as the WHO, one of the tools governments can use to improve risk perception and reduce hesitancy among citizens is the provision of transparent, understandable, balanced and evidence-based communication. However, the SARS-CoV-2 immunization campaign added certain elements of complexity with respect to routine vaccine policies: not only knowledge of the virus was limited, and the dynamics of its transmission were poorly understood at the beginning; but Covid-19 vaccines had also been subjected to clinical trials and then approved extremely rapidly – although safely – eventually leading to citizens’ uncertainty about their impact on transmission, their possible side effects and their suitability for different sectors of the population. Governments were therefore forced to make decisions in conditions of considerable ambiguity that not only obliged them to make periodic adjustments as the pandemic emergency unfolded and as scientific evidence became available, but which also made it difficult to carry on consistent communication campaigns. In cases like these, and in the face of the widespread anxiety, dismay and psychological fatigue caused by the pandemic, and their impact on health behavior (including vaccination intentions), some studies have stressed the importance of recovering emotional inputs (e.g. fear, love, civic sense etc.) when persuading the public of the benefits of vaccination.
Based upon these premises, in this paper we examine the balance between evidence-based and emotion-driven institutional communication with respect to covid-19 vaccines over time and in three European countries, i.e. Italy, France and the United Kingdom. In particular, through the Narrative Policy Framework analytical tools, we explore the evolution of the vaccine narrative(s) in each country. Employing the method of discourse network analysis, the dataset comprises public statements (press conferences, appeals to citizens, nationwide interviews) of Prime Ministers and Health Ministers. The selection of the statements under examination follows a four-phase ideal pattern: the launch of the vaccination campaign (December 2020); the handling of the Astrazeneca affair (March 2021); the attempts to urge the completion of the full two-dose vaccination cycle in autumn 2021, especially in the run-up to the new Omicron variant; and the campaign to promote the uptake of booster doses from December 2021 onwards. In relation to the narrative(s) promoted, the appropriateness and effectiveness of the type of communication observed in each phase will be then assessed with respect to the diachronic evolution of vaccine uptakes and to the consistency with the characteristics of the target population, including their attitudes and beliefs about vaccines tracked through data mining based on survey data available online.
Epistocrazia e democrazia tra attori, contingenze e confini (ambigui)Andrea Lippi, Francesco RanioloAbstractLo studio del rapporto tra democrazia e tecnocrazia (o epistocrazia) è antico all’interno della scienza politica ciò ha portato a guardare a livello sistemico al ruolo della legittimità “non o post- rappresentativa”, al peso delle istituzioni c.d. non maggioritarie e dei veto points che ne derivano (si pensi al ruolo delle banche centrali o delle autorità indipendenti), ma anche a livello del processo politico al ruolo di attori non politici (esperti) nella competizione per influenzare le decisioni vincolanti la collettività. C’è, però, un terzo livello, oggi sempre più rilevante al punto da mettere in ombra quello sistemico e processuale, ne quale il ruolo del sapere esperto, dei tecnici, è diventato cruciale ed è quello delle politiche pubbliche.
Sia l’analisi sia la riflessione hanno posto di volta n volta in evidenza le tensioni e gli esiti del rapporto tra potere politico e sapere tecnico o scientifico, che si è normalmente concretizzato in una vasta gamma di attività quotidiane di produzione di conoscenza e utilizzo di abilità e competenze finalizzate sia alla produzione delle politiche, che alla loro concreta realizzazione (implementazione) e alla loro valutazione ex post. Alcuni studiosi hanno distinto i diversi apporti tra conoscenza basata sulla pura evidenza scientifica (epistème), sulla capacità di trasmettere competenza orientata al saper fare (technè) o all’esperienza (phrònesis) (Craft e Howlett 2013; Vèsely 2017). In ogni caso allentando il collegamento tra dell’azione politica o di policy xon la dimensione o lealtà “partitica” (partisan politics vs. substatian politics per usare le espressioni di Dente e Regoinini).
Comunque sia, la rassegna delle diagnosi di un rapporto controverso e spesso denso di conflittualità ha avuto rilevanze diverse secondo le fasi storiche (Caramani 2019). La rilevanza che contraddistingue il tempo attuale può essere sintetizzata da alcune parole chiave. Le crisi, e le loro relative finestre di opportunità, la legittimazione delle scelte e qualità della democrazia. Al di là delle specifiche evidenze che caratterizzano il nostro tempo (ad esempio crescente rilevanza degli interim cabinets, ruolo degli esperti, potenziamento del ruolo dei gabinetti, il ricorso alle autorità indipendenti, etc.), ciò che emerge è l’ambigua evoluzione del governo tecnico’ in senso lato, nell’investitura politica delle scelte tecniche e viceversa, con i dilemmi relativi al confine e alla reciproca delega di responsabilità tra ruoli istituzionali. La tecnocrazia o epistocrazia finisce così per avere riflessi a livello di politics, policy ma probabilmente e con svariate preoccupazioni anche a livello di polity-
Il paper si prefigge si sviluppare una riflessione teorico-descrittiva sul confine tra tecnocrazia e democrazia e sulle evoluzioni ambigue dell’ibrido risultante (l’epistemocrazia), che ha tratti in sé stessi ambigui e cangianti, e che pone anche sfide di definizione analitica sule sue dimensioni che il paper intende comunque ricostruire: chi fa cosa e come lo fa.
Per raggiungere questo scopo il contributo si snoda lungo tre criteri del ragionamento: la collocazione dei contributi e degli autori in una rassegna sintetica; l’analisi dell’aspetto processuale del fenomeno oltre la dicotomia tra statica e dinamica; la dimensione longitudinale dello stesso e il ruolo delle contingenze storiche e delle finestre di opportunità che sospingono il pendolo ora in una direzione, ora in un’altra. Il punto di arrivo di questo ragionamento è l’interpretazione dell’ambiguità generale di questo processo e della permanente indeterminatezza del ‘regime epistemocratico’ – con le consuete domande chi, come e perché governa – il quale pur effettivamente rintracciabile, mantiene un grado di indefinitezza e di evoluzione tali da renderlo dinamico, ma anche ambiguo e oscillante, oltreché foriero di tutta una seri di distorsioni in termini di qualità della democrazia secondo i criteri per es. messi in evidenza da Morlino (2011, ma si veda anche Diamond e Morlino 2003).
Theory of Change based on Realist Evaluation: how to connect science and policy designDavide Grasso, Dario Padovan, Alessandro SciulloAbstractThe paper intends to present an ongoing research aimed at defining an assessment of environmental impact policies through a bridging of ex-ante and ex-post analysis, using the tool of the Theory of Change (ToC) understood as a participatory process of scientific experts, policy makers and stakeholders within a theoretical framework defined by Realist Evaluation.
The research concerns five policies implemented by local authorities in Italy (low-emission public transport), Finland (incentives to the use of low-emission private vehicles), Belgium (sustainable agriculture), Norway (aquaculture) and the Netherlands (energy-saving building insulation). It is carried out by a European consortium of five universities and five local authorities within the framework of the Horizon PATTERN project. The aim of the paper, from a comparative perspective, is to propose a reflection on ToC as a tool to strengthen the relationship between science and decision-making in policy designs aimed at addressing ecological, energy and climate imperatives.
We can think of the traditional policy planning as based on some forward oriented representation of a causal chain (Mayne 2008). A ToC is defined by the fact that it is not based on a “so that” reasoning, and it is actually backward oriented (Taplin et al. 2013). Its theorizing process does not begins with a conception and definition of decision and implementation, rather of long-term outcomes. A ToC is supposed to work backward toward the earliest changes that need to occur (Rogers 2014). Its purpose is obtaining greater clarity on objectives, impact and strategies in order to sharpen policies implementation/evaluation and strengthen the ability of policy makers to bring about outputs and outcomes predicted by the ToC.
A ToC is a working model, shaping the implementation logic of a policy. It connects implementation tools, outputs and outcomes through the definition of long-term objectives, the subsequent identification of preconditions and the following design of a backward map to identify early changes in the process (De Silva et al. 2015; Lauenroth 2022).
Operationally, a ToC can be considered to be (a) a process and (b) a product (Vogel 2015). As a process, it consists in the working out of the theory by researchers and stakeholders. As a product, on the other hand, it consists in a document displaying model of change. The latter is supposed to make clear (a) how and (b) why the expected final outcome should be reached. The ToCs we produced are, furthermore, both evaluation and planning tools. Being the evaluating power the original purpose of a ToC development, the ToCs explain the policies’ pathways (activities, outputs and outcomes). As a planning tool (secondary purpose) it helps practitioners and SHs to reflect in depth about their own work.
As far as the stakeholders’ engagement and ToC design are concerned, PATTERN focused on Realist Evaluation (RE). In terms of policy analysis and planning, we aspire at singling out methods bridging Ex post evaluations (already implemented PAMs) and Ex ante assessments (upcoming/ongoing PAMs). The purpose is gathering evidence on success/failure of a policy by means of monitoring and evaluating, which implies testing the developed ToC. During the lifetime of a policy, a ToC can be developed before (conceptualization and planning of the policy), during the intervention (the practitioners and SHs refine the ToC based on evidence) or after (developed retrospectively, using monitoring and evaluation data, documents produced during the policy, interviews and interactions with the SHs; Taplin et al. 2013).
A ToC process based on such a bridging endeavor allows us to understand the past and therewith to plan for the future (Jackson 2013). To summarize, Ex Ante assessments are used prospectively to forecast a planned policy’s impact, whereas Ex Post Evaluations are used retrospectively to evaluate an implemented policy’s efficiency.
Taking contexts into account implies the configuration of ontologies capable of encompassing materiality as a constituent part of the social (Lévêque-Padovan 2021). Social change is the result of practices, i.e. «temporally evolving, open-ended set of doings and sayings linked by practical understandings, rules, teleoaffective structure, and general understandings» (Schatzki 2002). Human practices meet the real world as set of material arrangements: constellation of material entities giving meaning to practices (Loscher et al. 2019). Practices and arrangements are always linked forming an inseparable amalgam, which Theodor Schatzky refers to as practice-arrangement bundles: they are in fact the contexts in which policies are performed, producing a field of action intelligibility in which it makes sense to participants to perform specific acts in certain situations. A ToC-based realist evaluation may providing such fields of intelligibility through context-sensitive research, putting scientific tools at the service of effective policy design.
The involvement of Swiss and British universities in EU research funding programmes: diplomacy for science or science for diplomacy?Tatyana BajenovaAbstractEuropean funding programmes are usually seen as a platform for European and international research cooperation. This paper examines the role which the involvement of third countries in EU research funding programmes plays in the EU’s science diplomacy (SD). It is based on the analysis of official documents from national and EU organisations, conducting semi-structured expert interviews with representatives of universities, as well as officials from national and EU institutions, and social network analysis of university networks at European and global levels. The paper shows that the participation of Swiss and British universities in EU framework programmes play an important role in SD not only with regard to their national needs, but also European ones. According to the recent Communication of the European Commission on a European strategy for universities (2022): universities in Europe are seen as Europe’s soft power and the essential actors in SD, which should strengthen the EU’s reputation as a cooperation partner for education, research and innovation with countries all over the world. To implement such an ambitious strategy for external connectedness, the EU needs to be open to extra-EU partners, includingsuch countries as Switzerland, which is a former Horizon 2020 Associated Country, and the UK, which is a former EU member, taken into account that these countries occupy leading positions according to their scientific achievements and the internationalisation of education and scientific research at the European and global level. At the same time, the UK and Switzerland also represent interesting cases of SD due to their particular relations with the EU, which despite the high performance of these countries in Horizon 2020 Framework Programme considers the question of their association with a new Framework Programme Horizon Europe in the connection of wider relations between these countries and the EU. Building on the analysis of the negotiation processes on the association status to Horizon Europe of both Switzerland and the UK, as well as campaigns launched by the European university networks asking the EU leadership to prioritize science over political interests, this paper argues that participation of Swiss and British universities in EU research funding programmes can be seen not only as an example of diplomacy for science, but also of science for diplomacy.
Panel 6.1 Coping with thorny issues. The role of science in public policy design and communication (II)
The past decade has no doubt witnessed an increase in the number of thorny issues (or, to put it another way, wicked problems) that governments at different levels and in various countries have had to deal with. Examples include the recent pandemic crisis, the environmental hazards and natural disasters related to climate change, as well as the ongoing impact of international turmoil on energy policies and related sectors (e.g., transportation, industry, household income relief etc.). All these issues, which call for complex, innovative and not ready-made solutions, challenge the institutional actors' responsiveness and shed light on the paucity of information and knowledge available to policy makers. Indeed, the latter are at the same time puzzling over the formulation of problems and solutions and must find effective ways to communicate decisions to citizens, whose compliance is often essential to avoid policy failure. As a result, public decision makers are more than ever resorting to outside expertise to design policy interventions as well as to provide legitimacy to the choices they make.
The growing role of professional expertise in contemporary policy making has received increasing scholarly attention. So far, however, the debate has focused mainly on policy advisory systems, paying less attention to addressing the broader relationship between science and policy making. The dialogue between science and policy making is inherently a tricky game: scientists and policy makers have (at least in theory) different goals, different views on the production and use of evidence, different accountabilities, and – not least – a different perception of time. Yet, as we have learnt from the management of the pandemic and the vaccination campaign in Italy, the collaboration (or lack thereof) between scientists and public decision-makers both in policy design and in communication to citizens is a factor of notable importance in affecting both the quality of interventions and target audience perceptions.
Against this background, the panel aims to host papers that, from various perspectives, reflect on the relationship between science and decision-making in the design and communication of policies geared toward solving thorny issues and wicked problems. Papers that address the issue from a comparative perspective will be particularly appreciated, although case studies are not excluded. Both quantitative and qualitative studies are welcome.
Chairs: Barbara Saracino
Discussants: Stefania Profeti
Welcome to the fight club: a digital research on the Italian experts' debate on Covid-19Giuseppe TipaldoAbstractThe research examines the Covid-19 pandemic as a case study for understanding emerging dynamics in technoscientific controversies. Utilizing Computer-Assisted Text Analysis (CATA), the work analyze a substantial dataset comprising public pages and active users on Facebook Italy, spanning from January 2020 to July 2021 (N > 5,5 M). Additionally, data from other media sources are considered, such as TV debates, newspaper interviews, Instagram, and Twitter, albeit to a lesser extent.
The findings reveal several notable aspects. Firstly, the analysis demonstrates that during periods of heightened media interest and on contentious topics, the representation of 'expert' knowledge experiences heightened popularity on Facebook. Furthermore, a significant number of the examined episodes involve interdisciplinary conflicts, wherein members of boundary-pushing scientific disciplines engage in rhetorical exchanges. Notably, these conflicts are not devoid of personal attacks and fallacious argumentation, even when the participants represent the 'official' scientific community.
Concerning the impact on the public, the study identifies traces of hate speech in nearly a quarter of user-generated comments. These comments often coincide with polarized viewpoints on the pandemic and the credibility of 'experts,' as well as the propagation of conspiracy theories. Moreover, a discernible proportion of the analyzed texts manifest cognitive discomfort stemming from the overwhelming information overload resulting from conflicting claims made by experts at odds with one another.
Il ruolo potenziale della Citizen Science nella formulazione delle politiche pubblicheNoemi CrescentiniAbstractLa scienza e la tecnologia sono ambiti interconnessi con la vita quotidiana di ogni individuo e modellano le relazioni sociali, le abitudini, gli stili di vita e le attività lavorative, influenzando in particolare l'opinione pubblica. Di conseguenza, le istituzioni locali, nazionali e transnazionali sono spinte a sviluppare nuove strategie e modelli comunicativi per adattarsi a tali cambiamenti (Gobo e Marcheselli, 2021). Difatti, la centralità della scienza nella società moderna richiede una maggiore interazione tra la comunità scientifica e la popolazione in generale e questa convergenza è fondamentale per garantire che il rapporto tra scienza e società si evolva in modo da rispecchiare più adeguatamente le esigenze e i valori attuali della società (Leshner, 2003). Questa apertura da parte della scienza sta attraversando attualmente una fase di rimodellamento e rinegoziazione (David, 2008) anche grazie all'impegno dei cittadini nelle questioni scientifiche e tecnologiche coinvolti in una varietà di progetti in tutto il mondo (Blok, 2007; Gavelin, Wilson, & Doubleday, 2007). In tal senso la Citizen Science (CS), ovvero il modello che considera la partecipazione dei cittadini nella ricerca scientifica attraverso la raccolta e l'analisi di dati, può rivestire un ruolo significativo nella formulazione delle politiche pubbliche in diversi settori. In particolare, la CS può fornire informazioni utili per affrontare problemi e sfide ambientali, sociali ed economici, contribuendo alla definizione di politiche di gestione e sviluppo in quanto prevede un impegno pubblico diretto per perseguire i seguenti obiettivi: informare, raccogliere dati, generare idee, ottenere feedback (ad esempio, sviluppando accordi circa una proposta o una decisione) (Amsler, 2007; Mann & Barnes, 2010). Inoltre, l’impatto sulla governance è un aspetto cruciale da considerare e infatti secondo Brodie et al. (2009), l'impegno dei cittadini può portare a una maggiore legittimità e responsabilità delle istituzioni governative, a comunità più coese socialmente, a un maggiore efficientamento dei servizi e delle politiche pubbliche e a vantaggi personali per i partecipanti. La Citizen Science rappresenta dunque un'importante fonte di dati e informazioni per la formulazione di politiche pubbliche. Ad esempio, può fornire dati sulla qualità dell'aria, l'inquinamento del suolo o la biodiversità, che possono essere utilizzati per definire politiche di gestione ambientale efficaci, contribuendo in tal senso al cambiamento socio-tecnico della transizione verso la sostenibilità (Vohland et al., 2021) e sollevare policy e decisioni proprio attraverso la comprovata scientificità.
Attualmente le iniziative di Citizen Science e le sue pratiche sono in aumento a livello europeo, nazionale e locale (Vohland, 2021) e alla luce di questa tendenza, il presente studio si propone di condurre una riflessione sociologica sul nuovo modello partecipativo che coinvolge cittadini e scienziati, nonché sul potenziale ruolo che esso può svolgere all'interno delle politiche pubbliche. Al fine di raggiungere tale obiettivo, prendendo in considerazione il contesto territoriale italiano verranno impiegate tecniche di ricerca qualitative, nello specifico interviste a testimoni privilegiati; i risultati forniranno un contributo alla comprensione dell'impatto di tali iniziative sulla società e sulle politiche pubbliche che si legano alla cosiddetta svolta partecipativa (Jasanoff, 2003).
Partecipazione e deliberazione nel campo delle innovazioni tecnoscientificheAndrea Rubin, Giuseppe PellegriniAbstractIn che misura i cittadini possono essere coinvolti nelle scelte che ricercatori e decisori politici
compiono per raggiungere specifici obiettivi? Nelle principali democrazie occidentali sono stati
messi a punto strumenti partecipativi con l’obiettivo di offrire la possibilità ai cittadini di prendere
parte attivamente a processi consultivi e discussioni che possono influenzare le decisioni
pubbliche anche su temi scientifico-tecnologici di rilevanza sociale (es. cambiamento climatico,
vaccini e trattamenti sanitari, biotecnologie, nanotecnologie, intelligenza artificiale, ecc.). Tale
esigenza è dovuta alla notevole influenza che la ricerca ha assunto nella vita quotidiana dei
cittadini e alla conseguente necessità di democratizzare le scelte operate su questi temi.
Accanto allo sviluppo di pratiche partecipative si è assistito anche alla crescita di pratica
deliberative che si differenziano dalle prime per l’introduzione di specifiche modalità di interazione
fra i soggetti coinvolti volte a favorire il confronto argomentato delle opinioni.
Con questo contributo si presentano i risultati del progetto europeo ISEED - Inclusive Science and
European Democracies 1 , coordinato dall’Università Cà Foscari di Venezia, raggiunti mediante una
mappatura delle pratiche partecipative e deliberative presenti in Europa.
La ricognizione effettuata da Observa Science in Society ha analizzato iniziative e progetti già conclusi o attualmente in corso.
Tali attività sono state classificate considerando tre dimensioni: l’obiettivo (che può variare da
informare, consultare o deliberare); la tipologia di partecipanti (cittadini, esperti o policy maker) e il
ruolo assunto dal cittadino nel processo (passivo-intermedio-attivo)». La ricognizione è stata
completata anche con un ciclo di interviste a 50 testimoni qualificati del settore di varie zone
europee.
I risultati indicano la centralità dei rapporti di potere fra le varie parti coinvolte con una particolare
rilevanza delle istituzioni pubbliche nel progettare e realizzare percorsi di partecipazione e
deliberazione. In secondo luogo si nota l’importanza di alcune condizioni istituzionali che
favoriscono l’adozione di pratiche partecipative e deliberative: per questo motivo esse non
possono essere facilmente trasferite in contesti democratici diversi. Infine, se le relazioni fiduciarie
tra i soggetti coinvolgibili non sono sufficientemente forti, i processi id partecipazione e
deliberazione rischiano di essere solamente simbolici e poco efficaci.
Bringing science back : contemporary knowledge and political battles around the construction of an "evidence-based global drug policy"Deborah AlimiAbstractWhen it comes to drugs, the dialogue between science and policy making has been one of the trickiest game. Illicit drugs have been the object of much so-called certitudes and many more myths. Apprehended and framed as a moral, political and ideological issue, drugs are at the center of one of the most ratified system of international control. And yet, little is still known about narcotics substances, and more importantly about the impact of the international policy framework on the illicit markets and communities affected. Dialogue of policy-makers with science, academia and experts alike have known hick ups and challenges along the century long history of global drug policy. Often, the question of knowledge and evidence was soon replaced by political quandaries: in addition of issues related to the availability and accessibility of credible data for policy-makers, produced evidence did not always match and fits with drug policy actor’s perceptions and ideology around drugs, or else their policy and political agendas.
Most recently however, in 2012, Latin American presidents voiced out strong discontent towards the dominant security-oriented model in place “to counter the world drug problem” and called for an “open, frank and global debate" on the future of drug policy. Beyond an apparent normative fracture, this call precipitated the convening of a Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Drugs (UNGASS) in 2016. It somehow forced the policymakers and the international community as represented at the UN Commission on drugs (CND) and collaborative IOs – namely the UNODC and INCB, the main international drug policy-making bodies, to put in place specific mechanisms and channels through which dissenting views could be integrated, digested, and blended into a new consensus-built agreement, the “2016 UNGASS Outcome document”. In this framework, diverse policy entrepreneurs pushed forward alternatives ideas, including the promotion of evidence-based approach to drugs over ideologically oriented policy decisions.
This paper discusses the evolution of the high politization of knowledge and evidence production around illicit drugs at the UN level. It looks at the specific role of knowledge producers including experts, academia and specialized IOs such as UNODC research department – the Research and Trend Analysis Branch (RAB), played in international policy-making on drugs. Using concepts of multileveled mobilizations, policy entrepreneurship and idea transfer, this paper explores knowledge brokers role and struggles in reappropriating this debate moment to reframe the place of evidence and science within the global drug policy debate. It notably looks at a selection of key knowledge actors (academics, think tanks and UNODC research branch) and the mechanisms used to gain unprecedented authority on policy discussions and safeguard a more prominent role in the promotion and construction of an “evidence-based drug policy”. Three main strategies will be highlighted i) the use of participatory avenues once offered to protesters (notably “expert meetings”) to promote evidence-building agendas such as the reform of the illicit drug trends tools (the Annual Report Questionnaire – ARQs); ii) the strengthening of conceptual niches and communities such as harm reduction or alternative development, and iii) the resort to specific international bureaucratic procedures to (re)state their place as key knowledge broker and influencer of policy-making processes.
Panel 6.2 Policy advice between technical capacities and political conflict: a cross policy study of Italy (I)
Policy Advisory Systems are configurations of actors who compete to formulate policy recommendations and to influence policy decisions. To better understand the composition of the PAS, the existing literature has been primarily focused on the role of different administrative traditions in shaping who are the relevant advisors inside and outside the public sphere, but there is little empirical evidence regarding what is the stock of policy analytical capacities at the level of the government and how different types of technical capacities impact on the composition of the policy advisory systems in a given policy sector. At the same time, the literature has emphasized how the level of ideational cohesion and accessibility of the policy subsystem matter to the dynamics inside the PAS in a given sector, but very few studies looked at how the political conflict impacts on the dynamics of cooperation or competition in the policy advisory system.
Therefore, a relevant research question is: do the analytical capacities and the political conflict matter to the configuration of the policy advisory system in a given country? What combination of technical capacities and political/procedural competences makes the advice more influential?
This is both a theoretical and empirical question, which could be investigated by focusing on the case of Italy, a country with a scarcely institutionalised PAS where Evidence Based Policy Making is usually scarce and the content of policy advice often mingles technical capacities with political expertise. Therefore, the Italian case offers a high variability of PAS configurations across sectors and in time, against a backdrop where policy capacities are unevenly spread across policy sectors.
This panel thus welcomes a collection of papers aimed at assessing:
1. The level of policy analytical capacities at the level of central government and its relevance for different types of policy work
2. The dynamics of PAS in the Italian Administrative Reforms
3. The dynamics of PAS in the Italian Education Reforms
4. The dynamics of PAS in the Italian Labour Market reforms
5. The dynamics of the PAS during the Pandemic at the subnational level
Chairs: Giliberto Capano, Andrea Pritoni
Discussants: Andrea Lippi
Contested influence in policy advice in school policies in ItalyMaria Tullia Galanti, Laura GiovinazziAbstractHalligan’s locational model (1995) is widely popular in research on Policy Advisory Systems (PAS), especially for research on Anglo-Saxon contexts. Though at the core Halligan’s model is concerned with unveiling deeply political dynamics such as the formulation of policy and the process(es) of knowledge legitimation in political systems, it reifies the politics of policy advice into a structuralist account. The model takes the pre-determined characteristics of a PAS’s proximity to politics as that explanatory variable which can fully account for influence of advisors’ knowledge. As a result, proximity becomes a substitute of a more fine-grained analysis of the influence that the advisors may have both on policy formulation and on the final adoption of a policy decision. Often the simple proximity of the advisors to the policymakers is not sufficient their success in translating their knowledge based preference into policy decisions. Furthermore, the differentiation of advisers (e.g. senior civil servant, ministerial cabinets, external experts and academics, think tanks and interest groups) makes the composition of the advisory system in each policy field highly contingent. Therefore, a working hypothesis is that it is not only the proximity of the advisor that matters, but also the type of relationships among the internal governmental advisors (senior civil servants and ministerial advisers), the external experts (academics, independent researchers and professional) and stakeholders’ representatives in the societal arena (think tanks, political parties, interest associations and trade unions).
We suggest that focusing on such relationships allows to better understand how policy knowledge is produced, what type of resources are mobilised, and, ultimately, who gains more influence n policy formulation and why.
This paper reconstructs the main reforms of school cycles in Italy since the early Nineties. Education in Italy is a highly contentious and ideologically-driven policy field, where policy decisions are characterised by a typical pattern of development. A variety of advisors is involved in policy formulation, with varying degrees of impact on the content of the initial governmental draft and of the final decision; then, the approved reforms are scarcely implemented or substantially cancelled by following governments. School cycle reforms are no exception to this pattern. Still, it is not clear whether the working of the policy advisors and their ideational compatibility with the school subsystem matter for their influence in all stages of the policymaking process. To better undestand the role of advisors in school reforms, we compare the two main reforms of the school cycles in Italy, the one by the Minister Berlinguer and the one by the Minister Moratti. We used information gathered from process tracing to achieve two key goals: firstly, to map the advisors working with different Ministers; secondly, to understand those variables other than proximity which may account for advisors’ influence, including the use of evidence-based policy making and the procedural and substantive aspects of the relationship between advisors and politicians. In this way, we draw out context-specific characteristics of governments’ different educational policy networks and empirically elaborate on those dynamics which shaped their actions, interactions, and influence, directly addressing the debate around the importance of proximity vis-à-vis networks in shaping the selection and the influence of advisors in policy formulation.
Policy advice in ‘extraordinary times’. The policy advisory system in Italy during the Conte II (2019-2021) and Draghi (2021-2022) GovernmentsAndrea Lippi, Maria Tullia Galanti, Sabrina BanderaAbstractExtraordinary times and crises represent moments when the severity and non-tractability of the policy issues foster the demand of policy advice to support decision making, especially in systems where the bureaucracies show weak policy capacities.
This orientation of the policymakers implies that the national policy advisory system (PAS), may be stressed by a growing and more variegated demand for expert knowledge. Hence, ‘extraordinary times’ may trigger a potential transformation of the current arrangement of the PAS by favoring a differentiated selection of experts and a different assemblage and coordination among units and practices, even beyond the traditional advisors, like the Cabinets and the head of the ministerial bureaucracies.
Our hypothesis is that in time of crises the number and type of advisors will be growing and pluralizing, thus including a wider cluster of experts, ranging from civil servants to academics, from political advisers and ministerial cabineters to private consultants and advisory bodies (like think tanks or research institutes). At the same time, we hypothesize that the configuration of the pluralized PAS may vary depending on the demand side, also considering the type of government – either political or technocratic.
Therefore, this paper aims at describing how contingencies may significantly influence the change of the policy advisory systems allowing a progressive re-combination of actors and practices. This dynamic is particularly relevant for the less institutionalized and more politicized PAS, like those belonging the Napoleonic arrangement, also considering the key importance of the different windows of opportunity during a crisis. The analysis of the composition of the PAS in the same country but in two proximate periods of time seems particularly suitable for observing the influence of contingencies on the PAS.
Italy is the case in point. Grounded on a traditional Napoleonic arrangement, the Italian PAS recently experienced two different shocks. A first one was engendered by the pandemic, during the Conte II Government (a center-left coalition government lead by outsider partisan leader between 2019 and 2021), while a second one was led by the Next generation EU program that poured out on the policy makers and the bureaucracy a huge flow of money and policy tasks during the Draghi government (a coalition government including center left and center right parties and lead by a former EU central banker between 2021-2022).
The paper undertakes a mapping of the internal policy advisory system through a dataset of advisors collected during both governments and entailing a wide cluster of actors and expertise. Evidence comes from an investigation of the National School of Administration of the Italian government. Through a comparison between the two datasets, the paper argues the contingent nature of change and the influence of the policy issue in the transformation of the traditional layout.
Tipi empirici di dirigenti ministeriali in Italia: una comparazione tra uffici centrali e uffici perifericiAndrea Pritoni, Giliberto Capano, Alice CavalieriAbstractNotwithstanding an increasing interest on bureaucrats’ policy work and policy analytical capacities, a gap still persists about their roles in policymaking. This article wants to fill precisely this gap by focusing on policy related activities of Italian high public servants working in both central and peripheral offices. By building on the existing literature on policy advice, policy analytical capacities and policy work, we analyze how policy analysis is embedded in bureaucratic activities with regard to bureaucrats’ policy work, policy analytical capacities and resources/types of information used. Empirically, we conducted a large survey administered to more than 700 Italian high civil servants, comparing those who work in central offices to those working in peripheral offices. In doing so, the aim is also to test the widespread conviction that top officials in central ministries should be considered as public managers rather than actual policy workers. Our results allow to propose a classification of empirical types of top bureaucrats depending on the fact that they work in central or peripheral offices: more precisely, similar types of policy works are associated to different types of information used and individual policy analytical capacities on the basis that high civil servants work either in central or in peripheral offices. This study paves the way for a deeper understanding of the role of top bureaucrats in policymaking.
Policy advicing in Italia: il caso delle politiche del lavoroDavid Natali, Patrik VesanAbstractUn’ampia letteratura a livello internazionale si è soffermata sul tema del policy advicing come elemento costitutivo del policy work. Lo studio del policy advicing in Italia, in particolare con riferimento a specifici settori di policy, è invece ancora agli inizi, data anche la scarsa strutturazione dei cosiddetti policy advisory systems nel nostro Paese. Ciò non toglie il fatto che l’advicing possa contribuire a orientare in maniera rilevante le decisioni prese e/o comunque a incrementarne la qualità, facendo così dei policy advisors degli attori distinti dalle burocrazie ministeriali, e forse meno visibili nel loro operato rispetto agli attori politici e ai gruppi di pressione, ma pur sempre importanti.
L’articolo si propone di ricostruire il processo di policy advising con riferimento alle politiche del lavoro in Italia negli ultimi vent’anni. Adottando un approccio induttivo basato sulla ricostruzione documentale e la realizzazione di interviste in profondità a key-informants, esso persegue due obiettivi principali. Il primo obiettivo è di tracciare la mappa dei principali advisors coinvolti in alcuni eventi di riforma particolarmente salienti. Come secondo obiettivo, l’articolo si sofferma sui meccanismi che presiedono alla selezione degli esperti nel processo di formazione delle politiche pubbliche, sulle modalità e finalità con cui l’advice viene offerto e sull’impatto del medesimo sui contenuti delle riforme e in termini di influenza percepita sugli esiti decisionali.
L’analisi si concentra su tre riforme principali , estremamente salienti, che hanno segnato le politiche del lavoro in Italia: la riforma Biagi, la riforma Fornero e il cosiddetto Jobs Act.
Panel 6.2 Policy advice between technical capacities and political conflict: a cross policy study of Italy (II)
Policy Advisory Systems are configurations of actors who compete to formulate policy recommendations and to influence policy decisions. To better understand the composition of the PAS, the existing literature has been primarily focused on the role of different administrative traditions in shaping who are the relevant advisors inside and outside the public sphere, but there is little empirical evidence regarding what is the stock of policy analytical capacities at the level of the government and how different types of technical capacities impact on the composition of the policy advisory systems in a given policy sector. At the same time, the literature has emphasized how the level of ideational cohesion and accessibility of the policy subsystem matter to the dynamics inside the PAS in a given sector, but very few studies looked at how the political conflict impacts on the dynamics of cooperation or competition in the policy advisory system.
Therefore, a relevant research question is: do the analytical capacities and the political conflict matter to the configuration of the policy advisory system in a given country? What combination of technical capacities and political/procedural competences makes the advice more influential?
This is both a theoretical and empirical question, which could be investigated by focusing on the case of Italy, a country with a scarcely institutionalised PAS where Evidence Based Policy Making is usually scarce and the content of policy advice often mingles technical capacities with political expertise. Therefore, the Italian case offers a high variability of PAS configurations across sectors and in time, against a backdrop where policy capacities are unevenly spread across policy sectors.
This panel thus welcomes a collection of papers aimed at assessing:
1. The level of policy analytical capacities at the level of central government and its relevance for different types of policy work
2. The dynamics of PAS in the Italian Administrative Reforms
3. The dynamics of PAS in the Italian Education Reforms
4. The dynamics of PAS in the Italian Labour Market reforms
5. The dynamics of the PAS during the Pandemic at the subnational level
Chairs: Giliberto Capano, Andrea Pritoni
Discussants: Andrea Lippi
Policy Advisory Systems and Administrative Reforms in Italy, 1993-2018Giulio Francisci, Fabrizio Di Mascio, Alessandro Natalini, Vanessa Mascia TurriAbstractWe analyzed four cycles of administrative reforms that took place in Italy between 1993 and 2018, focusing on two kinds of policy domains: better regulation (i.e., procedural simplification) and performance of the civil servants. Thus, we considered a total of eight regulations. The analysis revealed that the configuration of the policy advisory systems, together with the configuration of the policy subsystem, directly influenced the design of the reforms.
As regards the configuration of the policy advisory systems we considered five parameters: pluralism, transparency, institutionalization, supply of evidence-based advice, neutrality. As far as the configuration of the policy subsystem is concerned, we took into account other five parameters: kind of government, time horizon of the government perceived by the actors, degree of cohesion within the government, degree of interest groups pressure and degree of international pressure. We used five parameters also to evaluate the overall design of the reforms: clearness and checkability of the goals, system of governance, enforcement measures, interventions to facilitate the implementation of the reform, evidence-based evaluation. All these parameters were operationalized, using a scale of scores (1, 0.5 and 0).
Thanks to the analysis of the published documents and more than a dozen of in-depth semi-structured interviews with a series of key actors (ministerial advisers, high bureaucrats, external consultants), we were able to attribute a score to each parameter. In addition, the analysis of the sources allowed us to define the characteristics of the policy advisory systems for each of the eight regulations, for instance as far as the localization and the kind of the advice are concerned.
The paper argues that the policy advisory systems had a low degree of institutionalization (since informal working groups, composed mainly of temporary advisers, played a pivotal role) and transparency (since information regarding composition and outputs was not usually accessible). Likewise, even the degree of neutrality remained the same. On the contrary, pluralism proved to be a changing variable over time, due to the growing diversification of advisers' backgrounds. The supply of evidence-based advice was a distinguishing feature only of the activity of the policy advisory systems working on the better regulation reforms.
The longitudinal analysis reveals that in both the case-studies, i.e. better regulation and performance reforms, the previous reform experience proved to be a relevant factor in the phase of the policy formation. The comparison between the two case-studies shows that the overall design of the procedural simplification reforms was better than the overall design of the performance reforms: the different configurations of the policy advisory systems, as far as the supply of evidence-based advice is concerned, and of the policy subsystem, especially as regards the degree of international pressure, are identified as reasons.
Do policy analytic and managerial capacities foster the use of policy evaluation in policymaking? Evidence from Spain’s central governmentJosé Real DatoAbstractSome countries (particularly those within the Napoleonic tradition of public administration) have been latecomers in the process of institutionalization of policy evaluation. In this paper, we explore to what extent this is related to the development of other policy analytic and technical managerial capacities within governmental policymaking units. The main hypothesis is that that acquiring policy capacities beyond the usual legal techniques paves the way for a more frequent use of policy evaluation. This hypothesis is tested using a survey to top-level policymaking officials in Spain, a country where policy evaluation has experienced a late development and patchy institutionalization.
Comitati scientifici e COVID-19: una mappatura del policy advice in ItaliaMattia Casula, Anna Malandrino, Andrea TerlizziAbstractQuesto articolo indaga il policy advice a livello nazionale e subnazionale nel caso della risposta italiana alla pandemia da COVID-19. Attingendo dall'ampia letteratura su evidence-based policy-making e policy advice esploriamo la natura del policy advice a livello nazionale e regionale in relazione a due temi principali: 1) gli attori che forniscono advice (who question), 2) il tipo di advice fornito (what question). Presentiamo evidenza empirica riguardo all'architettura istituzionale e alle funzioni dei comitati scientifici istituiti a livello centrale e nelle venti regioni italiane. In particolare, ci concentriamo su due dimensioni del who and what: la provenienza dei membri del comitato (interni o esterni ai governi regionali o ai sistemi sanitari regionali) e il tipo di expertise detenuta dei membri. L'evidenza indica un'ampia varietà di assetti in termini di attori, tipi di advice e utilizzo dell'advice, con i membri dei comitati scientifici che svolgono funzioni che vanno dalla gestione e dal coordinamento alla fornitura di advice stricto sensu.
The role of policy networks in policy making: Instrument constituencies, policy communities or programmatic groups? Empirical evidence from 30 years of administrative reform in ItalyEleonora Erittu, Giliberto Capano, Giulio Francisci, Alessandro NataliniAbstractPolicy networks are considered structural component in policymaking through which many functions can be achieved in terms of policy stability and change. In addition, policy networks are relevant for analytical perspectives that assume an actor-centred analytical lens. It is often the case that policy networks, however they are defined, are used in a very metaphoric way, especially in relation to their specific role in policy making. In public policy, various types of networks have been conceptualised and characterised as having various networking criteria and different roles. Policy networks can propose solutions (policy communities, advocacy coalitions, epistemic communities), defend specific instruments (instrument constituencies), pursue generic and short-term interest on specific issues (issue networks), and programmatically prioritise change or stability (programmatic groups).
By capitalising on this variegated theoretical picture, this paper reconstructs 30 years of administrative reforms in Italy. More specifically, we focus on two specific networks—the network pushing for the adoption of financial tools for administration reform and the network focusing on institutional design and procedural simplification—for assessing whether these two networks can be considered either instrument constituencies, policy communities or programmatic groups. It must be emphasised that, according to the extensive literature on Italian administrative reforms, there is a prevailing reference to the role of policy communities (and thus to the presence of networks that have had a monopolistic role in proposing solutions over time).
This empirical comparison is based on the following:
- the reconstruction and analysis of the biographies of the members of the two networks;
- a network analysis to detect the patterns of relationships over time between the members of the two networks, as well as their co-presence in institutional roles holding decisional power;
- interviews with the networks’ members; and
- a detailed reconstruction of the two analysed networks’ direct influence on the decisions taken.
Panel 6.3 The PNRR and the judiciary: organizational and digital transformations
The National Recovery and Resilience Plan (Piano Nazionale di Ripresa e Resilienza - PNRR), funded by Next Generation EU, has the potential to transform the economic policies and to reform the trajectories of the Italian public administration for the years to come. After a historical period characterised by austerity policies and across-the-board budgetary cuts (a period that began, for Italy, well before the European sovereign debt crisis of 2010/2013), the launch of the PNRR represents a unique opportunity not only to pursue active fiscal policies, but also to put in place those horizontal and structural reforms that have been postponed for too long because of the narrow fiscal space that has historically characterised Italian public finance. Within this set of reforms, the one devised to improve the performance of the judicial sector plays a fundamental role in fostering fairness, efficiency, and economic competitiveness of the country. For decades, in fact, both European institutions and the Italian civil society have lamented, among other: the slowness of proceedings (especially civil and commercial ones) and its impacts on economic activities; the difficult conditions of prisons and judicial buildings; and the poor digitalisation of the judicial sector.
The PNRR, besides supporting several procedural reforms – to civil, criminal and insolvency proceedings, has devised three specific investment lines aimed at strengthening human capital, digitalisation and judicial real estate for a total of EUR 2.827 billion. The bulk of these resources (EUR 2.26 billion) is absorbed by the investment line named “Trial Office (Ufficio per il Processo – UPP) and Human Capital”, which provides for the temporary recruitment of 21,910 staff members to be employed in the first and second instance offices and at the Court of Cassation. Considerable resources are also assigned to multiple digitalisation initiatives (among these: digitisation of the civil and criminal process; document management and digital notifications; archiving and management control systems; up to the use of artificial intelligence in the judicial field). In addition, a portion of the PNRR funds devoted to the justice sector has been allocated, through specific competitive bids, to public universities with the aim of supporting judicial offices in the implementation of reform lines and co-designing new forms of collaboration between academic and professional actors.
Against this background, the panel primarily aims at gathering the early experiences of those universities that have collaborated, and are still collaborating, with the Ministry of Justice and its territorial articulations in the implementation of the various aspects of the PNRR-led reform. The panel particularly welcomes research contributions focused on the stabilization of the UPP as a new organizational structure and on tools and strategies for the digital transition of the sector. The panel is interested both in theoretical contributions that frame the reforms within the main models of public policy analysis, political science and public management, and in empirical contributions aimed at presenting and critically discussing implementation choices, processes and challenges. The identification and diffusion of good practices, as well as the launch of a debate on the evaluation of PNRR-related investments, constitute another focus of the panel.
Finally, the panel welcomes studies that approach the PNRR-led transformations in broader theoretical terms, allowing for more externally valid reflections on the reform trajectories of the Italian public administration in the context of its European peers and its membership in the EU.
Chairs: Jonathan Kamkhaji, Erica Melloni
Round table
Panel 6.4 L’analisi delle politiche pubbliche e la formazione della dirigenza pubblica.
L’esperienza della Scuola Nazionale di Amministrazione.
La tavola rotonda prende spunto da un recente evento: l'inserimento dell'analisi delle politiche tra le materie per il reclutamento della dirigenza pubblica nel quadro del IX Corso concorso SNA per dirigenti dello Stato, attraverso il quale vengono reclutati il 50% dei dirigenti delle amministrazioni centrali, che si svolgerà nella seconda parte del 2023. Questa notizia si accompagna con la creazione presso la Scuola Nazionale dell'Amministrazione di un apposito dipartimento dedicato all'analisi delle politiche pubbliche.
Si tratta di un cambiamento che invita la comunità epistemica alla riflessione su potenzialità e sviluppi della sub-disciplina e della scienza politica nel suo complesso, a confronto con altri rami del sapere delle scienze sociali che hanno svolto fino ad oggi un ruolo dominante, come il diritto, o che si erano inserite con successo recentemente, come l'economia e il management.
In questa prospettiva, ci si chiede come e in quale misura l'analisi delle politiche pubbliche possa svolgere un ruolo utile e significativo nella selezione della classe dirigente e nella sua formazione, anche in considerazione della sempre maggiore centralità delle competenze trasversali nel reclutamento dei dirigenti, come previsto dalle "Linee guida sull'accesso alla dirigenza pubblica", tra le quali sono previste anche diverse competenze di policy. Ci si attende che la discussione ruoti di conseguenza sulle prospettive della disciplina, sulle strategie di affermazione e consolidamento, sui necessari passaggi di sviluppo e sulle risorse da acquisire, gli apprendimenti da compiere e le sfide da affrontare.
Partecipanti:
Speakers:
Anna Caffarena - Università di Torino
Andrea Lippi - Università di Firenze, Coordinatore del Dipartimento Politiche pubbliche
e governance presso la SNA
Remo Morzenti Pellegrini - Università di Bergamo, Vicepresidente SNA
Greta Nasi - Università Bocconi
Luca Verzichelli - Università di Siena, Presidente SISP
Chairs: Marco Di Giulio
Panel 6.5 Systemic corruption, economic growth and democracy
Vi sono robuste evidenze empiriche sulle conseguenze negative della corruzione sistemica sulla qualità dei processi democratici da un lato, sui tessuti produttivi locali, la capacità di innovazione, e la solidità dell’economia dall\'altro. Tuttavia, è emersa nel discorso pubblico e nel dibattito politico - non soltanto nel contesto italiano - una prospettiva critica nei confronti delle politiche e degli strumenti di contrasto della corruzione (così come della criminalità organizzata), considerate vincoli che ostacolano spesa e investimenti pubblici e, quindi, la crescita economica; pongono barriere inutilmente onerose a processi decisionali che richiedono rapidità e \"fluidità\"; inibiscono o depotenziano l\'esercizio di poteri legittimati da un voto democratico.
Il panel invita contributi teorici o empirici che analizzino l'evoluzione degli strumenti anticorruzione e delle strutture istituzionali per il loro governo, esplorino l’interazione tra i meccanismi politici e amministrativi della corruzione e gli strumenti di intervento pubblico, e valutino la rilevanza teorica e/o empirica di questi argomenti.
Chairs: Alessia Damonte, Alberto Vannucci
Discussants: Cristina Barbieri
Trasparenza nell’azione e trasparenza nell’anticorruzione. La risposta istituzionale agli scandali in ambito accademicoMarco AntonelliAbstractDa alcuni anni il dibattito scientifico sui fenomeni di corruzione in ambito universitario si è notevolmente arricchito, definendo framework interpretativi in grado di cogliere diversi meccanismi distorsivi. In Italia, invece, il tema è rimasto per molto tempo marginale nelle ricerche delle scienze sociali, nonostante nel dibattito mediatico siano emersi plurimi scandali che hanno generato un acceso dibattito sull’estensione e i motivi del problema. Eventi che si sono manifestati in un periodo in cui si sono succedute sia riforme del settore universitario, sia nuove misure per prevenire la corruzione in ambito pubblico, favorendo la trasparenza nelle attività degli enti e, in particolar modo, nella definizione dei processi decisionali (anche di contrasto ai fenomeni illegali).
In questo scenario, il paper mira a fornire un frame teorico per lo studio della corruzione in ambito universitario adattabile al caso italiano e ad analizzare la risposta istituzionale agli scandali di corruzione. In particolare, dopo una rassegna dei principali eventi di corruzione accademica avvenuti in Italia negli ultimi dieci anni (e comparsi sulle cronache nazionali), viene svolta una content analysis dei Piani triennali di prevenzione della corruzione e della trasparenza degli atenei coinvolti per valutare se e in che modo le anomalie emerse dalle inchieste hanno avuto un impatto nelle analisi di contesto preliminari alla valutazione dei rischi di corruzione e delle successive misure preventive.
Il sistema anticorruzione italiano nella prospettiva dell’integrità pubblica. Criticità, buone pratiche e possibili scenari a oltre dieci anni dall’approvazione della legge n. 190/2012Francesco MerendaAbstractLa stagione dell’anticorruzione italiana ha preso avvio con l’adozione della l. n. 190/2012, dalla quale è scaturita una profonda riforma dell’assetto di questa politica.
Il framework italiano è considerato come uno dei modelli più conformi con le raccomandazioni e i trattati internazionali, in particolare con la Convenzione delle Nazioni Unite contro la corruzione (Uncac) del 2003. Seppur in ritardo, infatti, il nostro ordinamento si è dotato di regole e strumenti di prevenzione della corruzione, che hanno affiancato la preesistente disciplina penalistico-repressiva.
Il sistema italiano si basa sostanzialmente su tre pilastri: l’autorità nazionale anticorruzione (Anac); gli interventi organizzativi e le regole di condotta; i controlli.
Una particolare attenzione è stata dedicata al rafforzamento dell’imparzialità soggettiva dei funzionari, che si concretizza mediante le misure organizzative di prevenzione della corruzione, i doveri contenuti nei codici di comportamento e un notevole rafforzamento della responsabilità disciplinare.
La politica di prevenzione della corruzione si realizza attraverso un impianto “centro-periferico”: a livello centrale c’è l’autorità nazionale anticorruzione che elabora gli indirizzi centrali del Piano Nazionale Anticorruzione; a livello periferico, invece, le pubbliche amministrazioni devono adottare, sulla base di quello nazionale, i piani triennali di prevenzione della corruzione, che dal 2021 fanno parte del piano integrato di attività e organizzazione (PIAO).
Il doppio livello di implementazione, basato su una logica bottom-up, conferisce un ruolo di primo piano alle pubbliche amministrazioni: ognuna di esse deve realizzare il proprio sistema di gestione del rischio corruttivo, dal quale discendono sia le misure preventive dei piani che le regole di condotta dei codici di amministrazione.
Il primo decennio dell’anticorruzione italiana permette di cogliere una serie di elementi, positivi e negativi, emersi dall’esperienza delle pubbliche amministrazioni.
Senz’ombra di dubbio, quella del 2012 è stata una delle più importanti riforme amministrative dei tempi recenti, che però ha attratto su di sé molti giudizi critici. Questa politica ha certamente favorito una maggiore consapevolezza e responsabilizzazione dei funzionari sui temi dell’etica pubblica e della buona amministrazione, al contempo, però, dalla prassi concreta sono emerse anche numerose difficoltà.
Una delle principali criticità di questo modello coincide con una delle sue peculiarità, vale a dire l’investimento che è stato fatto sulle pubbliche amministrazioni. In buona sostanza, molte di esse si limitano a adottare e revisionare i piani di prevenzione e i codici di comportamento secondo la logica del puro adempimento formalistico. Per questa ragione, orbene, le misure e le azioni introdotte nelle singole strategie risultano inefficaci e vengono percepite come un inutile appesantimento dell’attività amministrativa.
Un altro limite è rappresentato dalla scarsa valorizzazione della formazione del personale su questi temi che, come raccomanda la succitata convenzione del 2003, è un’attività necessaria per la successiva implementazione delle misure.
Preso atto dell’esistenza di queste problematiche, però, si possono rilevare svariati esempi virtuosi (per es. certuni comuni), le cui esperienze testimoniano che un buon processo di gestione del rischio, la realizzazione di interventi formativi basati su un approccio concreto e il coinvolgimento attivo dell’intera struttura dell’amministrazione, degli stakeholder e dei cittadini rende non solo fattibile questa politica, ma può anche favorire la creazione di valore pubblico.
Negli ultimi vent’anni si è assistito, inoltre, alla diffusione del concetto di integrità pubblica (public integrity), inizialmente presente per lo più in ambito internazionale (OCSE, ONU) e di recente anche in quello europeo. Si tratta di una visione più ampia del sistema di buon governo, all’interno del quale la lotta alla corruzione è una delle componenti principali che, però, deve necessariamente dialogare con altre aree di intervento (per es. cultura, formazione, merito, performance e leadership). In questa nuova prospettiva, dunque, la prevenzione della corruzione dev’essere sviluppata all’interno di un quadro strategico ed organizzativo complessivo.
Questo nuovo indirizzo è giustificato da alcuni fattori critici desunti dalla prima fase dell’esperienza anticorruzione degli Stati (minore efficienza e celerità amministrativa), ma anche in virtù delle crescenti trasformazioni cui sono sottoposte le pubbliche amministrazioni (transizione digitale, esigenza di nuove competenze).
Per queste ragioni, quindi, è possibile parlare di una nuova stagione dell’anticorruzione a livello globale, dove la prevenzione della corruzione e l’attenzione al risultato sono due componenti essenziali per la promozione dell’integrità nel settore pubblico.
Il contributo si propone di offrire una riflessione sull’anticorruzione italiana, cercando di rispondere ad una serie di domande. È giusto continuare ad insistere sulla necessità della politica della prevenzione della corruzione? Quali potrebbero essere le necessarie correzioni da apportare a questo modello? Qual è il grado di relazione tra il sistema italiano di prevenzione della corruzione e quello dell’integrità pubblica?
Dopo un breve excursus iniziale sull’evoluzione dell’impianto normativo, si cercano di analizzare i punti di forza e di debolezza di questa politica, che sono desumibili dalla bilustre attività pratica delle pubbliche amministrazioni.
Infine, si vogliono individuare le possibili traiettorie di riorganizzazione di quest’ambito, tenendo in considerazione talune dinamiche, come la proposta di direttiva europea sulla lotta alla corruzione, e l’idea di anticorruzione che si può evincere dal Piano Nazionale di Ripresa e Resilienza (PNRR) e dalle recenti riforme legislative nazionali.
LIBENTER, FRUTTO DEL PRIN "PolitiCAnti 2017-2024"
Democrazia partecipativa, economia lecita, infiltrazione criminale e corruzione:
la società civile alla prova del monitoraggio del PNRR italianoDino Guido Rinoldi, Nicoletta ParisiAbstractIl contributo che si propone si colloca nel quadro dell’attività scientifica che va svolgendosi dentro il PRIN “PolitiCAnti 2017-2024” (coordinatore Prof. A. Vannucci): al polo locale dell’Università Cattolica è stato dato originariamente il compito di occuparsi di trasparenza in materia di contratti pubblici, apprezzandola quale strumento di contrasto alla corruzione. L’avvento dell’iniziativa NextGenerationEu, e in quest’ambito del Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), hanno consentito di arricchire il perimetro della ricerca allargandolo al contesto del Piano Nazionale (italiano) di Ripresa e Resilienza.
Al riguardo operano due differenti ambiti ordinamentali di presidio avverso la dispersione (vuoi per cattiva amministrazione, vuoi per infiltrazione criminale, vuoi per corruzione, ecc.) di risorse finanziarie europee. Gli ambiti sono quello soprannazionale dell’Unione e quello nazionale italiano, dotati ambedue di un proprio sistema di governance che dispone l’esercizio di assai articolati poteri istituzionali (non sempre adeguatamente coordinati) di vigilanza e controllo che dovrebbero essere rivolti in ultima analisi allo sviluppo stesso dell’integrazione, non solo economica, continentale.
In ambito europeo il EU Citizenship Report 2020 mette l’accento sull’esigenza di «empowering citizens’ participation in the democratic process», incoraggiando il loro coinvolgimento in ogni fase del processo decisionale entro gli Stati membri quale leva importante di legittimazione delle istituzioni pubbliche. Il regolamento UE 2021/241 (istitutivo del RRF) menziona le opportunità di consultazione delle «organizzazioni della società civile» tanto per la preparazione quanto per l’attuazione dei PNRR (art. 18.4, lett. q).
L’affiancamento, l’accompagnamento, della società civile all’agire della pubblica amministrazione viene reputato utile da diverse prospettive: si ritiene che ne possa trarre vantaggio l’efficacia delle politiche pubbliche; che la pubblica amministrazione stessa possa guadagnarne in reputazione (“accountability”) ricavandone una maggiore legittimazione democratica; che i cittadini ne vengano sollecitati a farsi carico delle proprie responsabilità (appunto civiche), dando pienezza al disposto costituzionale italiano secondo cui essi sono titolari della sovranità, ma di questa se ne ha consapevolezza solo quando adeguatamente coinvolti.
La nostra Corte costituzionale ha espresso la complementarità fra pubblica amministrazione e cittadinanza a partire dal principio di sussidiarietà orizzontale presente nell’art. 118.4 della Carta fondamentale: si tratta di una disposizione che esplicita «le implicazioni di sistema derivanti dal riconoscimento della “profonda socialità” che connota la persona umana (…) e della sua possibilità di realizzare una “azione positiva e responsabile” (…). Nella suddetta disposizione costituzionale (…) si è quindi voluto superare l’idea per cui solo l’azione del sistema pubblico è intrinsecamente idonea allo svolgimento di attività di interesse generale e si è riconosciuto che tali attività ben possono, invece, essere perseguite anche da una “autonoma iniziativa dei cittadini” che, in linea di continuità con quelle espressioni della società solidale, risulta ancora oggi fortemente radicata nel tessuto comunitario del nostro Paese». Vi è, insomma, una valorizzazione del rapporto tra amministrazioni pubbliche territoriali ed enti esponenziali della società civile con un ragionamento che utilizza il principio di solidarietà espresso dalla Carta costituzionale, principio che rappresenta «la chiave di volta di un nuovo rapporto collaborativo con i soggetti pubblici (…) per la realizzazione dell’interesse generale» (sent. n. 131/2020, par. 4).
Il nostro polo locale ha inquadrato la propria azione in questo contesto. Ha cioè tenuta specificamente presente la necessità di dare contenuto operativo a modalità di controllo sociale diffuso esercitato dai cittadini sull’agire della pubblica amministrazione, quale elemento significativo e innovativo di prevenzione della corruzione non solo in quanto condotta penalmente rilevante ma pure quando manifestazione di “cattiva amministrazione” del bene pubblico. Si è data vita a un’associazione temporanea di scopo (LIBenter - “L’Italia bene comune nuova, trasparente, europea, responsabile”: www.libenteritalia.eu), composta da Università Cattolica, Libera contro le mafie e Fondazione Etica. Essa ha realizzato anzitutto delle Linee guida scientificamente fondate (Il monitoraggio del Piano Nazionale di Ripresa e Resilienza (PNRR) a cura di comunità, associazioni, cittadini. Una proposta per la tutela della trasparenza, dell’integrità e della realizzazione degli investimenti pubblici). Da queste ha tratto una lista di indicatori utili a valutare il procedimento amministrativo ed esecutivo di realizzazione dei progetti di investimento contenuti nel PNRR. Ora si sta procedendo alla costruzione di una piattaforma informatica in cui riversare i dati del monitoraggio civico di questi progetti. In quest’ultimo contesto si colloca la già avviata azione di coinvolgimento, prima, e di formazione, poi, di “comunità monitoranti” di cittadini.
Una tale azione di accompagnamento della pubblica amministrazione dà sostanza al preambolo della Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell’Unione europea - dove si dice che «il godimento di questi diritti fa sorgere responsabilità e doveri nei confronti degli altri come pure della comunità umana e delle generazioni future» - ma è capace di manifestare anche aspetti di concretezza per un’efficiente ed efficace azione di prevenzione della corruzione.
Di tutto questo vuol dar conto il contributo che si propone.
Il tempo si è fatto breve
San Paolo, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, 7.29
Prevenire la corruzione attraverso il coinvolgimento dei cittadini: l’esperienza del monitoraggio civico del PNRR.Francesca RispoliAbstractDall’entrata in vigore della legge 190, l’Italia si è dotata di alcuni strumenti di prevenzione della corruzione che pongono al centro la trasparenza e la possibilità di coinvolgere i cittadini nel diretto controllo dell’operato della PA. Tra le azioni di civic engagement si colloca il monitoraggio civico, per descrivere il quale si fa riferimento all’opera di due autori: Michael Shudson e John Keane. Michael Shudson (1998) nel suo testo “The good citizen: a history of American Civic Life” analizza il declino della partecipazione politica, anche in considerazione dell’indebolimento dei legami civici della società americana . L’autore, esperto in giornalismo e informazione, afferma che l’abbondanza di informazioni rischia di creare un ideale astratto di “cittadino informato”, che non necessariamente è in grado di partecipare alla vita pubblica. L’intuizione innovatrice che si ritrova in Shudson è relativa a una nuova categoria di cittadini, definiti monitoranti (monitoral citizen), capaci di esaminare il contesto in cui vivono ed essere pronti a diventare attivi, laddove il loro intervento possa essere rilevante, perché, secondo l’autore, “il dovere dei cittadini di conoscere abbastanza per prendere parte in maniera intelligente alle faccende dell’amministrazione dovrebbe essere considerato come un obbligo di controllo” (Shudson 2010:449). Le opportunità fornite dai nuovi media per raccogliere le informazioni sono diventate la premessa alla diffusione di questo modello di cittadinanza (Ceccarini 2015). Più generalmente gli attivisti sfruttano le potenzialità della rete grazie alle piattaforme di crowdreporting in molti paesi del mondo, per monitorare la corruzione dal basso “using big data to increase transparency and discover wrongdoings, data activists constitute an increasingly relevant part of anti-corruption efforts from the grassroots” (della Porta e Mattoni, 2021: 303).
Il secondo autore di riferimento è John Keane, che teorizza la monitory democracy come forma innovativa di democrazia. La definizione affonda le radici nell’etimo latino di monere, inteso come mettere sull’avviso, consigliare, interpretazione opposta quindi dall’utilizzo del termine per indicare la sorveglianza. La diffusione di nuove istituzioni di controllo, facilitata anche dalla globalizzazione e dalla rete, consente un diverso potenziale partecipativo ai meccanismi decisionali. Secondo Keane (2018) il calo di partecipazione democratica (si pensi all’alto tasso di astensionismo in molte democrazie mature) può essere arrestato attraverso un cambiamento di sistema. Il processo elettorale non è più l’unica cartina al tornasole del consenso della cittadinanza rispetto alla politica, anzi, l’accountability coinvolge molti più attori, anche in considerazione della crescente commistione tra sfera pubblica e impresa. Gli abusi di potere possono quindi essere individuati e segnalati in maniera più diffusa, perché ogni individuo che partecipa è potenzialmente in collegamento con un alto numero di persone e può gestire un sistema ampio di contatti e influenze personali.
Tale ampliamento della responsabilità pubblica è insito nella normativa sulla trasparenza, dove si prescrive di “favorire forme diffuse di controllo sul perseguimento delle funzioni istituzionali e sull’utilizzo delle risorse pubbliche e di promuovere la partecipazione al dibattito pubblico” , che secondo il parere del Consiglio di Stato segna il passaggio dal “bisogno di conoscere al diritto di conoscere” .
La normativa ha abilitato l’azione dei cittadini nel mettere in luce l’azione della pubblica amministrazione, attraverso tre fondamentali strumenti. Il primo è la messa a disposizione di una consistente mole di dati pubblici, riversati online in considerazione dei cambiamenti previsti dal 2013 ad oggi e contenuti nelle pagine dei siti della PA denominate “Amministrazione trasparente”. Il secondo strumento è l’accesso civico semplice , istituto che consente di esigere il diritto all’accessibilità delle informazioni, senza dover motivare la ragione della richiesta. Il terzo è ultimo è la possibilità di accesso regolamentata dal Freedom of information act (FOIA), che consente di richiedere dati ulteriori rispetto a quelli che, per legge, le pubbliche amministrazioni sono obbligate a pubblicare. Questi strumenti sono stati abilitati dall’entrata in vigore nell’ultimo decennio di leggi che hanno sottolineato l’importanza della trasparenza da parte delle pubbliche amministrazioni, anche allo scopo di coinvolgere i cittadini e renderli partecipi della gestione pubblica.
Il combinato disposto di trasparenza, accesso civico, monitoraggio, rappresenta negli intenti della normativa (dalla 190 in avanti) uno strumento di prevenzione e contrasto alla corruzione ed è alla base di alcune esperienze di monitoraggio civico.
Il paper, sviluppando il tema del monitoraggio come prassi in via di consolidamento a livello internazionale, si focalizzerà su alcune esperienze in anno in Italia e che mirano a monitorare le opere realizzate con i fondi del PNRR. In particolare common – comunità monitoranti, Libenter, Osservatorio Civico PNRR. Queste esperienze, mosse da alcuni attori di movimento, associazioni, esponenti dell’accademia, hanno attivato forme diverse di monitoraggio e lo scopo del paper è leggere la loro attività nel quadro nazionale e internazionale, analizzando punti di contatto e di divergenza, outcome e prospettive di azione.
The Santa: exploring a mafia-led para-masonic corruption network to enhance and protect the ‘ndranghetaAlberto Vannucci, Anna SergiAbstractThis paper presents a theoretical framework to explore the corrupt hidden relationships between mafia groups, deviant masons and institutional/political actors in Italy. The specific case study is from the region of Calabria and relates to historical and contemporary events around the Calabrian mafia - ‘ndrangheta - in a grey area of shady interaction with political, institutional actors and professional elites also belonging to masonic and para-masonic groups. The case study explores decades of convulsed judicial history and is primarily but not exclusively based on data emerging from recent trial dubbed ‘Ndrangheta Stragista and Gotha and on interviews with prosecutors and lawyers active in this case. In these trials we can see how ‘ndrangheta leadership at a critical historical juncture assumed a para-masonic structure to a) safeguard future decisions related to political engagement, corruption in the public sphere and violence and b) separate common organised crime from corrupt exchanges with institutions, politicians and professions. Indeed, historical data reveal that a mafia-led masonic-like lodge - called the Santa - was formed by prominent members of the Calabrian mafia – the ‘ndrangheta – to curate political and institutional connections, thus prompting us to question how crimes of the powerful intersect with mafia crimes and how such an intersection pushes further our understanding of typical mafia traits, such as secrecy, reputation, and recognition.
Panel 6.6 The implementation challenge for the Italian recovery and resilience policies. The role of interest groups in the different policy sectors of NRRP
The implementation of the NRRP policies is considered a complex and crucial phase for reforming and investing in the recovery and resilience capacity of the country. The pathways and outcomes of the implementation of policy reforms and policy change might also impact on the future political-institutional set-up, the political system and social cohesion.
The first implementation phase has started within a shared framework of rules, and objectives, defined within the Plan formulated by the Draghi government in Spring 2021, and it has already taken on peculiar trajectories in the various policy arenas, thus highlighting differentiated dynamics according to the actors involved, the policy tools and interests mobilised in support of or against the envisaged policy change.
Moreover, the alternation between the Draghi's semi-technocratic government and the Meloni’s political government, occurred in late 2022, seems to suggest some discontinuities and further differentiations in the implementation process, given the politicisation of some issues, the changing priorities, a varying value by the incumbent government to the economic and social interests at stake.
Due to such complex dynamics, in which it is not always possible to foresee the real outreach of resilience and recovery interventions, it is necessary to analyse them through the lenses of a composite analytical perspective. Such analytical framework should take into account the political context, shaped by a centralised governance, the differentiated capacities of central and local administrations, and the economic and social actors and interest effectively involved. It therefore becomes extremely useful to analyse the implementation processes in different policy sectors in order to identify the relevant actors and policy change trajectories of crucial policies such as those at the core of the Plan itself.
The interest group perspective proves fruitful in combining these dimensions within and across the sectors involved, and contributes to a better understanding of the implementation dynamics in the different fields. Analysing the interest groups’ different role – supporting or opposing – in policy implementation, therefore, offers a useful interpretation to understand the effective impact of NRRP. Nevertheless, so far this perspective is still almost a missing piece in available studies and research.
The panel welcomes papers analysing the role played by interest groups in the implementation of different NRRP’s policies. More specifically, we are interested in works investigating at least one of the following aspects: i) in what fora and through what contacts/networks/resources interests and coalitions intervene and play a role in the implementation stages; ii) how they contribute to the definition of the implementation measures or subsequently become active in supporting or resisting the planned measures; iii) what new models of interest representation and intermediation seem to emerge (if any) in the different policy arenas in relation to policy transformations; iv) if any changing patterns in interest representation can be detected with reference to the change in politics.
Chairs: Renata Lizzi
Discussants: Luca Germano
The NRRP and the energy transition in Italy between interest groups, new coalitions and old national championsRenata Lizzi, Andrea PronteraAbstractThe NRRP and the energy transition in Italy between interest groups, new coalitions and old national champions
Italian energy policy has traditionally been affected by objectives and contents defined rather confusedly by successive governments in recent decades. A shift towards more organic policy programs is due to the recent initiatives elaborated on impulse of the EU. In the meantime, the policy arena in this strategic area for the country's economy has gradually been structured according to the presence of players and interests linked to big public/private companies - 'national champions' such as Enel, Eni, Snam and Terna – and to the new galaxy of actors operating in the field of renewable sources. However, the interests of the first type of actors have gradually acquired a structural power and a strategic role in domestic and international policy making, while the interests and role of the latter have been affected by an inevitable fragmentation and fewer ties with decision-makers.
Policy legacy - understood both as a mix of procurement sources and as a style of policy making, and as a structured set of relevant players - has certainly influenced the transformations of the sector in the last fifteen years and is also strongly influencing the recent energy transition phase. This aspect also has an impact on the dynamics of politics and the policy choices that led to the definition and implementation of the NRRP and specifically of Mission 2 dedicated precisely to the ecological transition.
The contribution aims to provide first of all a synthetic picture of the national energy policy, relevant actors and consolidated interests, and of the most recent evolutions in the field of the promotion of renewable sources and the security of supplies. Subsequently, the contribution aims to reconstruct the main measures on the subject of energy transition included in the NRRP during the Draghi Government and the Meloni Government, when its revision was possible within the European REPowerEU programme. Finally, the article aims to map the relevant actors, whether they are institutional actors (MISE, MAE, Arera, GSE), big companies (ENI, ENEL, SNAM), associations representing industries and operators in the renewable sector (Elettricità Futura, ANEV), and non-governmental associations (Lega Ambiente, ItaliaSolare), and to analyze the coalitions they have created in order to influence these measures.
Specifically, through the process tracing methodology, the article analyzes the (rapid) formulation phase of Mission 2 of the NRRP (M2 C2 - Energy transition), and then focuses on its implementation in conjunction with the outbreak of war and crisis of gas which has imposed a review of some guidelines and priorities as previously formulated. Thanks to several interviews with privileged actors, the aim of the contribution is to identify which coalitions of actors have been most active, which access channels to decision makers they have used to influence the revision of the PNRR and with what results.
Il PNRR e la transizione energetica in Italia fra gruppi di interesse e campioni nazionali
La politica energetica italiana ha risentito tradizionalmente di obiettivi e contenuti definiti piuttosto confusamente dai vari governi. Un ritorno verso di tentativi più organici di programmazione si deve alle recenti iniziative elaborate su input dell’UE. Nel frattempo, l’arena di policy in questo ambito strategico per l’economia del paese si è andata strutturando in funzione della presenza di attori e interessi legati alla presenza delle big companies pubblico/private - ‘campioni nazionali’ come Enel, Eni, Snam e Terna – e alla nuova galassia di operatori legati alle fonti rinnovabili. Gli interessi del primo tipo di attori sono però andati acquisendo nel tempo un potere strutturale e un ruolo strategico nel policy making domestico e internazionale, mentre gli interessi e il ruolo dei secondi ha risentito di una inevitabile frammentazione e di minori legami con i decision-makers.
La policy legacy – intesa sia come mix di fonti approvvigionamenti sia come stile di policy making, e come assetto di attori rilevanti – ha certamente influenzato le trasformazioni del settore anche nell’ultimo quindicennio e sta condizionando fortemente anche la recente fase di transizione energetica. Questo si ripercuote anche sulle dinamiche di politics e le scelte di policy che hanno portato alla definizione e implementazione del PNRR e nello specifico della Missione 2 dedicata appunto alla transizione ecologica.
Il contributo si propone di fornire dapprima un quadro sintetico della politica energetica nazionale, degli attori e degli interessi consolidati e delle più recenti evoluzioni nell’ambito della promozione delle fonti rinnovabili e della sicurezza degli approvvigionamenti. In seguito, si propone di ricostruire i principali provvedimenti in tema di transizione energetica inclusi nel PNRR durante il Governo Draghi e il Governo Meloni, quando una sua revisione è stata possibile nell’ambito del programma Europeo REPowerEU. Infine, l’articolo vuole offrire una mappatura gli attori rilevanti, siano essi attori istituzionali (MISE, MAE, Arera, GSE), imprese (ENI, ENEL, SNAM), associazioni di rappresentanza (Elettricità Futura, ANEV), e organizzazioni non-governative (Lega Ambiente), e ricostruire le coalizioni che essi hanno creato al fine di influenzare tali provvedimenti
Nello specifico attraverso la metodologia del process tracing l’articolo analizza la fase di (rapida) formulazione della Missione 2 del PNRR (‘M2 C2 - Transizione energetica’), per poi focalizzarsi sulla sua implementazione in concomitanza con lo scoppio della guerra e della crisi del gas che ha imposto una revisione di alcuni indirizzi e priorità così come precedentemente formulati. Anche grazie ad una serie di interviste ad attori privilegiati, l’obiettivo è quello di individuare quali coalizioni di attori si siano attivate maggiormente per influenzare la
The digital identity challenge in Italy. Decisional analysis of the CIE and SPID projects.Giuseppe BorrielloAbstractThe paper starts from the public policy analysis literature and aims to study the decision-making process that characterizes the two main digital identity diffusion projects in Italy: the Electronic Identity Card (CIE) and the Public Digital Identity System (SPID). The policy could be classified in the category of the wicked policy field (Head 2022; Esposito and Terlizzi 2023) because of the complexity, uncertainty and conflict characterizing the interactions between the actors involved in the two projects mentioned, concerning the scale of its effects and the strategic relevance of its implementation. Indeed, it constitutes one of the main drivers of the structural and organizational evolution of digital public administration (Musella 2022), a topic of growing interest in the political science literature (Terlizzi 2021).
Currently, digital identity represents a major "work in progress" project because it plays the role of a functional infrastructure for the digitization of the country as well as an enabling factor for the digital conversion of the State and its functions. It is no coincidence that it is one of the targets set in the PNRR and in the Digital Italy 2026 Strategy, as also being a keystone of the development guidelines established by the European Union through the Next Generation EU and the Digital Compass.
The decision-making analysis of the CIE and SPID projects was carried out using the methodology proposed by Bruno Dente (2011), which provides for the implementation of four operational steps: reconstruction of events chronology, analysis of the actors, analysis of the relationships and drafting of the final report. The sources used in carrying out the four steps were: official documents, newspaper articles and interviews with privileged actors. About the documents, a total of 250 documents on the two policies were collected, divided into 90 official acts (including laws, legislative decrees, DPCMs, DPRs, guidelines, regulations and circulars) and 160 newspaper articles, selected from 4 different newspapers - 2 from the digital press and 2 from the general press - between 2018 and 2023. The analysis was carried out using the qualitative content analysis software NVivo. In addition to the documents, 32 semi-structured interviews with privileged subjects (10 with digital identity experts and 22 with actors directly involved in decision-making processes) were carried out between November 2022 and May 2023.
The analyses carried out on the two case studies reconstructed the decision-making process, producing evidence on the actors involved, the objectives pursued, the strategies used and the policy networks created. In this way, useful results were obtained to understand a wicked policy field, such as that of digital identity, reconstructing the conflicts between public and private actors for the control of policy, which represents a challenge of absolute relevance for the definition of digital state sovereignty (Santaniello 2021; Finocchiaro 2022).
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Dente, B. (2011), Le decisioni di policy, Bologna: Il Mulino.
Dipartimento per la Transizione digitale (2021), Italia Digitale 2026, https://innovazione.gov.it/italia-digitale-2026/
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European Commission, (2021), 2030 Digital Compass: the European way for the Digital Decade, https://commission.europa.eu/system/files/2023-01cellar_12e835e2-81af-11eb-9ac9-01aa75ed7 1a1.0001.02_DOC_1.pdf
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Head, B.W, (2022), Wicked Problems in Public Policy: Understanding and Responding to Complex Challenges (Wageed. ), Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.
Musella, F. (2022), Digital regulation: come si cambia la Pubblica amministrazione. Rivista di Digital Politics, 1-2/2022, pp. 3-32.
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Santaniello, M. (2021). La regolazione delle piattaforme e il principio della sovranità digitale. Rivista di Digital Politics, 1(3), pp. 579-600.
Terlizzi, A. (2021), The Digitalization of the Public Sector: A Systematic Literature Review, in Rivista Italiana di Politiche Pubbliche, 1/2021, pp. 5-38, DOI: 10.1483/100372.
Il rapporto tra i sindacali del settore pubblico e il governo ai tempi del PNRRAlessandro Natalini, Stefania Profeti, Paolo Feltrin, Fabrizio Di MascioAbstractIl paper si propone di dare risposta al seguente quesito: “Quanto e in che modo la pandemia e il PNRR hanno modificato l’influenza dei sindacati del settore pubblico sul governo nel contesto italiano?” La salienza del tema è determinata dalla specificità dei sindacati del settore pubblico come gruppo di interesse (in generale) e nel caso italiano (in particolare) in quanto essi hanno una spiccata dimensione politica dovuta all’influenza che i dipendenti pubblici possono esercitare sul governo come datore di lavoro nella loro veste di elettori, sono relativamente liberi dall’influenza delle pressioni del mercato e hanno una enorme importanza nell’ambito delle Confederazioni generali. La variazione della loro influenza deve essere determinata in relazione ad un processo di cambiamento burocratico caratterizzato dal susseguirsi di cicli di riforme amministrative con scarsi esiti e invece dall’affermarsi delle politiche di austerità. Il paper segue un approccio neo-istituzionalista e il suo disegno di ricerca poggia sulla analisi non solo della letteratura grigia e scientifica ma anche dei dati disponibili, delle norme e degli atti dei governi ma anche su interviste a testimoni privilegiati. La variazione della influenza dei sindacati del pubblico impiego con la pandemia per contrastare o rafforzare la path dependence della concertazione sociale sulla base della nostra analisi risulta essenzialmente determinata dalla disponibilità di risorse finanziarie dopo anni di austerità (da un lato, la improvvisa assenza di vincoli fiscali stringenti toglie un argine esterno alle richieste dei sindacati che possono dispiegare la loro capacità di pressione sui governi e, dall’altro lato, l’accumularsi di un ingente debito pubblico impone ai governi di tenere la spesa pubblica sotto controllo) e la responsiveness (da un lato, l’incapacità dei governi di dare risposta alle richieste dei gruppi di interesse con la pandemia e di mantenere gli impegni assunti verso Bruxelles senza il supporto del pubblico impiego e, dall’altro lato, la necessità dei governi di rispettare scadenze continue e ravvicinate che a volte impediscono di arrivare a scelte concertate e che li inducono a “punire” la PA per dare risposta alle categorie economiche che si sentono defraudate delle risorse PNRR per l’incapacità delle burocrazie di spenderle). Le ipotesi esplicative dei findings del paper sono quindi che la pandemia e il PNRR possono avere prodotto (HP1) un rafforzamento della concertazione per esigenza dei governi di oliare i meccanismi del PNRR e aumento della influenza sindacale sui rinnovi contrattuali collegata anche i risultati delle elezioni RSU del 2022 oppure (HP2) una diminuzione della influenza sindacale per la necessità dei governi di mostrare al livello europeo e ai mercati che si adottano misure drastiche per evitare ritardi nel PNRR e per contenere la spesa pubblica nel medio termine.
Still waiting for the ‘liberal revolution’? Italian centre-right parties and the (failed) liberalisation of taxi licences and beach concessionsLuca Germano, Giuseppe Montalbano, Andrea PritoniAbstractOne of the main enabling reforms included in the Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan is undoubtedly that of competition. In this regard, past pro-competitive attempts have usually disappointed expectations, above all due to the counter-mobilisation of very strong interest groups, able to act as veto-players in the policy process. This paper seeks to contribute to the literature on the influence of (Italian) interest groups by focusing precisely on the pro-competition reforms in two highly politically salient policy sectors: that of taxi drivers and that of beach concessions. Specifically, we want to make a double comparison: between policy sectors, and between subsequent stages of the policy cycle, focusing on the lobbying strategies deployed by the interests affected by the measures under approval. Given the change of government that occurred during the process under analysis, from the premiership of Draghi to that of Meloni, we believe that the main explanatory factor having an impact on policy outcomes is the political configuration of the parties within the governing majority, and their relative ideological proximity to organised interests. This interpretation is tested on the basis of a meticulous reconstruction of the policy process, also with the aid of several interviews with privileged witnesses.
The implementation of NRRP policies and the interest groups perspective in the justice sector: the “Office for the trial” reformGiancarlo Vecchi, Daniela Cavallini, Cristina Dallara, Marco Di GiulioAbstractIn the justice sector, the NRRP policies’ main purpose is to improve the performances of the Judiciary through wide-ranging actions affecting multiple areas, including the organization of judicial offices, civil and criminal proceedings, alternative dispute resolutions, digitization, judicial/staff training, and judicial governance. Such a context is a great opportunity for a new cycle of policy design and implementation. After a general overview, the paper will focus on the “Office for the trial” reform, aiming at enhancing the staff units supporting the work of judges and clerks. This reform should have a broad and cross-cutting impact for at least two reasons. First, it is functional to the implementation of the whole package of NRRP targets (e.g. the speeding up of civil and criminal proceedings, and the reduction of the backlog, will significantly depend on the concrete support that judges and clerks will be given). Secondly, it points out the strong interconnections between the judicial function, the reorganization of the offices and the managerial processes. The paper, in particular, will analyse: a) the influence that the main interest groups (National association of magistrates, National Bar Council, Association of court staff directors, trade unions, etc.) have exerted during the legislative process (until Legislative Decree no. 151 of 2022), considering the various interests represented and the results gained; b) the concrete and operational implementation of the reform (still ongoing), taking into account the strengths and weaknesses, the reactions of the interest groups mentioned above, and the change of the Government in office. The positions of the interest groups will be analysed through interviews with selected representatives of the relative group/association/institution and public official statements and reports. Finally, in the conclusions, the dynamics that concretely shaped the Office for the trial reform will be identified in the interaction between the political powers and the interest groups.
Tentative Outline
1. General Introduction of the policy area in relation to the goals/objectives of the Italian NRRP. The missions and target of the NRRP planned for the Judiciary and focus on the ‘Office for the Trials’ objectives.
2. Outline of the of the main events chronology, with the actors involved and the measures adopted for the Office for the Trials formulation & implementation.
3. The formulation and implementation process: actors’ activities & the role of interest groups (type and variety). Reconstruction of the collective actors involved (first plan: experts/universities; association of administrative courts staff directors; trade unions; Camere e associazioni forensi; Associazione Nazionale Magistrati).
4. Strategies and activation/reaction capacity of the interest groups/coalitions to influence the processes.
5. Analysis of the resulting policy change (layering, displacement, etc.): politics and policy factors that influenced and are influencing the observed changes.
The NRRP and the digitalization of healthcare services: the role of interest groups in implementing the Electronic Health FileFederica Cacciatore, Alberto Bitonti, Gianluca SgueoAbstractAmong the major reforms that the Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP) foresees for the relaunch of the Italian economic status, the completion of the digital transition is perhaps one of the most challenging and long overdue. Digitalization of the public services, in particular, proves key to both reducing the existing gaps in accessing services and goods across the population, and to increasing administrative capacity and reducing bureaucratic burdens. Digital transition, nevertheless, is a broad concept, as it has been conceived more of a cross-sectoral reform which results into a number of specific policies, than of a single-path policy.
In our paper, we will focus on the process of implementation of the so-called Electronic Health File (Fascicolo sanitario elettronico, FSE), the digital tool through which every citizen is able to trace and collect all their medical facts and data, and share them with the concerned healthcare professionals in an easy and effective way. Despite its first introduction in the Italian legislation dates back to over a decade ago, its implementation has been delayed by a number of technical and political issues. In consequence, the NRRP offered the chance to bring about a real change and speed up its completion. Moreover, the traditional multilevel governance regarding healthcare issues in the Italian system, where the national administrative level sets up the essential levels of performance and the regions are in charge of the day-to-day policymaking, makes this objective more complex to achieve, given the uneven and unbalanced conditions characterizing the regional healthcare systems nationwide.
In this regard, we will look at how the implementation of the FSE has been carried out from an interest group’s perspective, in order to identify the issues at stake, the interests concerned and the positions held by the actors who are taking part in it. We believe such analysis is particularly relevant, not only due to the lack of coherent and comprehensive systematic analyses on the topic, but also because the FSE represents a testing field for the recovery policies involving different sorts of interest groups, including institutional groups, insofar as territorial and regional governments as well take part in the policymaking by advocating for specific interests, often contrasting with each other.
Therefore, besides providing for an intensive analysis aimed at describing (if and) how the interests have impacted the FSE’s implementation, we also contribute at analysing how different variables, like the one represented by the politics, have affected the strategies carried out by the actors involved, and viceversa. The analysis, indeed, will take into account the two Governments that succeeded throughout the implementation phase, the Draghi Government and the Meloni Government, and will compare how both the interests at stake and their strategies have evolved following the political change, with a view to inferring general conclusions on the impact of politics variables upon typical policy dynamics, especially regarding the role of organized interests.
Panel 6.7 Cybersecurity policies and politics (I)
Cybersecurity has become the main digital-related public concern in contemporary societies. The issue has rapidly scaled up the political agenda of international organizations, national governments and local authorities, gaining a stable position among the top-level priorities of governmental institutions. Further, the pandemic has boosted the digital transformation all over the world, and sharpened the complexity, the scale, the scope, and the interdependencies of cybersecurity problems. More recently, the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing conflict have triggered a series of severe cyber-attacks conducted by state and state-sponsored actors, and have highlighted the geopolitical relevance of cybernetic resources and their control.
Facing these new collective problems, private and public policies have increasingly been developed in different societal contexts and on multiple institutional levels. A fast-growing branch of policy studies is emerging to better understand these processes of policy-making, and to analyze their impact and consequences on individuals, businesses, public administrations, institutions, and international relations. Also, several political analyses are pointing out a process of institutional transformation prompted by the politics of cybersecurity, that is affecting both state organizations and key political concepts such as sovereignty, conflict, constitution, power, etc.
The main objective of this panel is to understand political and policy aspects of cybersecurity, and their interplay within transnational, multilevel, and polycentric systems of governance. It aims at convening scholars who are addressing cybersecurity policies and politics from different angles, in order to trigger a discussion about if and how cybersecurity is emerging as a specific domain of public policy, and about if and how cybersecurity is reshaping state’s powers and functioning. The panel also aims at clarifying institutional conditions and political factors affecting cybersecurity, as well as at investigating the relationships between state’s transformations and the politics of cybersecurity.
We call for papers that present new theoretical and methodological reflections, as well as empirical research, on the institutionalization of cybersecurity and the related processes of policy-making. Submissions are particularly welcome on the following possible topics:
New frameworks and methods for the study of cybersecurity policies;
Typologies of cybersecurity policy;
Policy discourses on cybersecurity;
National and transnational policy networks;
Cybersecurity strategies and policy designs, and their implementation;
Implementation and adaptation of policy instruments in the cybersecurity arena;
Evaluation of cybersecurity policies;
Cybersecurity and foreign policy;
Epistemic communities and cybersecurity policy entrepreneurs;
Cybersecurity policy and politics;
Cybersecurity policies in public administrations;
Cybersecurity policies and emerging policy principles (e.g. digital sovereignty, digital constitutionalism);
Cybersecurity policies and emerging technologies (e.g. artificial intelligence, IoT, metaverse, quantum computing)
Cultures and ideologies of cybersecurity.
Accepted papers are expected to share new knowledge on cybersecurity policies and politics, including analytical frameworks, comparative analyses and in-depth case studies.
Chairs: Jonathan Kamkhaji, Mauro Santaniello
Discussants: Francesco Amoretti
(Re)structuring power in the cyberspace. Policy and governance challenges to the production of state cybersecurity policiesMattia SguazziniAbstractWhat policy space do states have in cyberspace? How do they design their cybersecurity policies? The literature on cyberspace governance emphasises the limited role of states concerning their ability to frame policies independently and stably in clearly defined political arenas. The framework of conflicting or cooperative relationships between states and semi-state or non-state actors influences the range of opportunities and constraints on the agency of individual states with respect to cybersecurity policies. Such policies must also consider the different logics that drive the dynamics in different strategic environments as well as the possible interdependencies between them. On the other hand, states have room to define the scope and content of policies in cyberspace. The gap identified in the literature concerns the under-theorisation of the domestic governance of cyberspace, particularly concerning the connection between constraints and opportunities in policy design dynamics.
This study aims to frame the policymaking of states given the domestic and international context of existing power relations and simultaneously consider the possibilities that the same states have of conditioning that context through their own policymaking.
Furthermore, this study aims to develop an object-centred conceptual framework, focusing on the analysis of the main components of cyberspace (divided into physical, transmission/logical, and application/content levels). This approach is useful for understanding which actors act in the governance of different objects of cyberspace and thus identifying the (current and potential) policy space of the single states.
This paper provides a typology capable of classifying the policies of different states based on two main criteria: the first is based on the domestic-foreign frontier and the second is based on the form of public policy (remunerative, coercive, or extractive).
This paper is part of a broader project for my PhD dissertation. For this study, I mainly employed qualitative methods (conceptual analysis and content analysis for the object-centred conceptual framework).
This study aims to provide a basis for the development of a framework for analysing the effectiveness of cybersecurity policies, primarily in relation to limiting cyberattacks. Therefore, the aim is to leave room for future intertwining with classification of cyberattacks and examination of their impact, through quantitative analysis based on the collection of existing datasets and directly collected data, with possible future intertwining with other quantitative (mainly interviews) and quantitative methods (mainly multivariate analysis for triangulation purposes and LDA for text analysis).
The institutional grammar of cybersecurity agencies: a comparative studyJonathan Kamkhaji, Mauro Santaniello, Giancarlo VecchiAbstractIn this article, we investigate e specific aspect of the ongoing institutionalization of cybersecurity as a public policy in the European Union (EU). As of 2023, 25 out 27 members of the EU have established a cybersecurity agency. Although the mandates, powers and scope of such agencies vary greatly across the EU sample, we still fall short of a systematic account of the structural differences (and similarities) that characterise these relatively new public sector organizations. To start filling this gap, we rely theoretically on Ostrom’s Institutional analysis and development (IAD) framework and focus on the cybersecurity agencies of the four largest countries of the EU by population: Italy, France, Germany and Spain. Case selection is guided by a most similar systems design, considering the political regime, international relations, and cybersecurity capacities of the four countries. Empirically, we leverage the Institutional Grammar Tool (IGT) and the semantic categorization of institutional statements in rule types to analyse the laws establishing and regulating the agencies (and their amendments) in these four countries. Through this type of analysis, we are able to reconstruct and compare the different action situations which stem from agencies’ legal design/rules-in-form. In the context of the comparison, we also test hypotheses about Europeanization, institutional isomorphism, monocratization, and policy diffusion. In a successive step, we contrast the evidence arising out of the analysis of institutional design to implementation, with the aim to provide an initial evaluation of the effectiveness and coherence of design. The study contributes to institutionalist literature, as well as to regulatory agencies’ and specialised cybersecurity scholarships.
Security governance of cyberspace and the role of regional intergovernmental organizations: OAS, AU, and OSCEStella BlumfeldeAbstractWhat role do regional intergovernmental organizations have in governing global cybersecurity? While there is an extensive literature on international organizations and security governance, there is little written about how they manage and adapt existing governance mechanisms to new threats. As a result of continuous UN encouragement to share the provision of security with regional organizations, these actors have experienced a more prominent role as security governance providers and have steadily expanded their mandates. This paper addresses these issues through a comparative cross-case study of the cybersecurity strategies, policy documents, and reports developed by OAS, AU, and OSCE. The key aim of the comparative analysis is to understand how regional organizations complement the international cybersecurity governance efforts. The first part of the project examines through textual analysis the security governance literature on international organizations and its applicability to cybersecurity. The second part is a comparison of current governance mechanisms for other types of technologies such as nuclear, lethal autonomous weapons, and conventional arms. It moves on to the comparative analysis of regional cybersecurity strategies by identifying through textual analysis the objectives, threat perceptions, as well as governance mechanisms. According to the latest ITU (2022) Global Cybersecurity Index, there is a significant difference in cyber engagement of states across the world due to the gap among countries and regions in term of technological advancements, cybersecurity capacities, knowledge and awareness of the risks associated with cybersecurity. The preliminary hypothesis of this paper is that regional cybersecurity strategies differ. The expected contribution of this paper is to advance international organization security governance studies by going beyond the typical case study of the EU (Webber et al., 2004; Kirchner, 2006; Christou et al., 2010) and by applying security governance framework to cybersecurity issues.
The implementation of cybersecurity policy at the Italian local administrative level. The Campania Regional Case Study.Gaia Fristachi, Giuseppe BorrielloAbstractOver the past three years, since the pandemic outbreak in 2020, information technologies and systems have become increasingly ubiquitous in modern societies (Calise e Musella 2019; Van Dijck et al. 2018). Our reliance on the Internet is likely to grow as ICTs continue to evolve. These devices and components form a highly interconnected system of networks, infrastructures and sensitive data known as cyberspace. Thanks to their potential, ICTs are being used extensively by the public sector to reorganize its structure and functioning (Musella 2022). The online environment goes beyond the simple provision of goods and services and provides an opportunity for governments at all levels to improve accountability, effectiveness and transparency. However, the security of networked computer systems is a growing concern for governments, businesses and individuals. This concern is justified by the growing number of cyber attacks against public administrations, both at the central and local levels (Istat 2021; Cert-Agid 2020-2022; Presidenza del Consiglio dei ministri 2016-2023). As a consequence, governments have been urged to rethink cybersecurity policy, structuring it as a strategic policy for digital State sovereignty (Santaniello 2022), acting on political, regulatory and administrative level. Therefore, this paper will focus on local governments, particularly 128 municipalities in the Campania Region with over 10,000 inhabitants. The study analyzes the internal administrative organization of these municipalities by identifying whether or not they have specific offices dedicated to IT security, its name, its internal structure, the update of the data and the administrative staff assigned to the service. The focus will be determined by the objectives set out in the three-year Plan for IT in the PA and the National Strategy for Cybersecurity, with which the national policy maker has established targets to be reached and decisions to be implemented at all levels of administration. In particular, this research employs public policy analysis tools to examine the implementation phase of cybersecurity policy in Italian public administrations, as it has been rethought since the end of 2020. The aim of the study is to provide empirical evidence on the implementation of cybersecurity policy at the municipal level in Campania. In a general context of structural weakness with regard to cybersecurity, the data confirm that municipalities are the weak link in the Italian administrative system. Although they have fewer human and economic resources, they remain the main front office in providing services to citizens. Therefore, with the ever-increasing number of cyberattacks, the improvement of the security levels of the State cannot be separated from the technical-financial reinforcement of its administrative level, that is closest to citizens.
REFERENCES
Acn (2022). Strategia nazionale di cybersicurezza 2022-2026, https://www.acn.gov.it/ACN_Strategia.pdf.
Agid (2023). Piano triennale per l’informatica nella Pubblica Amministrazione 2022-2024, https://www.agid.gov.it/sites/default/files/repository_files/piano_triennale_per_linformatica_nella_pa_2022-2024.pdf.
Bontempi, V. (2022), Lo Stato digitale nel Piano Nazionale di Ripresa e Resilienza. Roma: Roma Tre Press.
Borriello G., Fristachi G. (2022), Stato (d’assedio) digitale e strategia italiana di cybersicurezza, in «Rivista di Digital Politics», n. 1-2/2022, pp. 157-178, doi:10.53227/105071.
Bozzetti, M. R., Olivieri, L., Spoto, F. (2021), Cybersecurity Impacts of the Covid-19 Pandemic in Italy, paper presentato alla V Conferenza italiana sulla cybersicurezza (Itasec), Online, 7-9 aprile.
Calise, M., Musella, F. (2019). Il Principe Digitale. Bari-Roma: Laterza.
Cert-Agid (2020-2022), Monitoraggio dello Stato di Aggiornamento del Protocollo Https e dei Cms sui Sistemi della PA, https://cert-agid.gov.it/news/terzo-monitoraggio-sullutilizzo-del-protocollo-https-e-sullo-stato-di-aggiornamento-dei-cms-sui-sistemi-della-pa/.
Clusit (2023), Rapporto sulla sicurezza ICT in Italia, https://clusit.it/rapporto-clusit/.
Craigen D., Diakun-Thibault N., Purse R. (2014), Definining Cybersecurity, in «Technology Innovation Management Review», 4(10), pp. 13-21, doi: 10.22215/timreview/835.
Istat (2021), Censimento permanente delle istituzioni pubbliche: risultati preliminari 2020, l’anno dello smart working, https://www.istat.it/it/archivio/264696.
Musella, F. (2022). Digital regulation: come si cambia la Pubblica amministrazione, in «Rivista di Digital Politics», 2(1-2), pp. 3-32.
Presidenza del Consiglio dei ministri (2016-2023), Relazione annuale sulla politica dell’informazione per la sicurezza, https://www.sicurezzanazionale.gov.it/sisr.nsf/category/relazione-annuale.html.
Ramadan, R. A., Aboshosha, B. W., Sulaiman Alshdukhi, J., Alzahrani, A. J., El-Sayed, A., Dessouky, M. M. (2021), Cybersecurity and Countermeasures at the Time of Pandemic, in «Journal of Advanced Transportation», pp. 1-19.
Santaniello, M. (2022). Sovranità digitale e diritti fondamentali: un modello europeo di Internet governance, in «Rivista italiana di informatica e diritto», 4(1), pp. 47-51.
Van Dijck, J., Poell, T., De Waal, M. (2018). The platform society: Public values in a connective world. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Panel 6.7 Cybersecurity policies and politics (II)
Cybersecurity has become the main digital-related public concern in contemporary societies. The issue has rapidly scaled up the political agenda of international organizations, national governments and local authorities, gaining a stable position among the top-level priorities of governmental institutions. Further, the pandemic has boosted the digital transformation all over the world, and sharpened the complexity, the scale, the scope, and the interdependencies of cybersecurity problems. More recently, the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing conflict have triggered a series of severe cyber-attacks conducted by state and state-sponsored actors, and have highlighted the geopolitical relevance of cybernetic resources and their control.
Facing these new collective problems, private and public policies have increasingly been developed in different societal contexts and on multiple institutional levels. A fast-growing branch of policy studies is emerging to better understand these processes of policy-making, and to analyze their impact and consequences on individuals, businesses, public administrations, institutions, and international relations. Also, several political analyses are pointing out a process of institutional transformation prompted by the politics of cybersecurity, that is affecting both state organizations and key political concepts such as sovereignty, conflict, constitution, power, etc.
The main objective of this panel is to understand political and policy aspects of cybersecurity, and their interplay within transnational, multilevel, and polycentric systems of governance. It aims at convening scholars who are addressing cybersecurity policies and politics from different angles, in order to trigger a discussion about if and how cybersecurity is emerging as a specific domain of public policy, and about if and how cybersecurity is reshaping state’s powers and functioning. The panel also aims at clarifying institutional conditions and political factors affecting cybersecurity, as well as at investigating the relationships between state’s transformations and the politics of cybersecurity.
We call for papers that present new theoretical and methodological reflections, as well as empirical research, on the institutionalization of cybersecurity and the related processes of policy-making. Submissions are particularly welcome on the following possible topics:
New frameworks and methods for the study of cybersecurity policies;
Typologies of cybersecurity policy;
Policy discourses on cybersecurity;
National and transnational policy networks;
Cybersecurity strategies and policy designs, and their implementation;
Implementation and adaptation of policy instruments in the cybersecurity arena;
Evaluation of cybersecurity policies;
Cybersecurity and foreign policy;
Epistemic communities and cybersecurity policy entrepreneurs;
Cybersecurity policy and politics;
Cybersecurity policies in public administrations;
Cybersecurity policies and emerging policy principles (e.g. digital sovereignty, digital constitutionalism);
Cybersecurity policies and emerging technologies (e.g. artificial intelligence, IoT, metaverse, quantum computing)
Cultures and ideologies of cybersecurity.
Accepted papers are expected to share new knowledge on cybersecurity policies and politics, including analytical frameworks, comparative analyses and in-depth case studies.
Chairs: Jonathan Kamkhaji, Mauro Santaniello
Discussants: Francesco Amoretti
Monocratic Cybersecurity in EU: a comparative analysisMichele Barbieri, Mauro SantanielloAbstractCybersecurity has gained considerable salience in the last decade, following an exponential growth of risks in the digital era, including threats to national security, economic stability and citizens’ privacy. In parallel, cybersecurity policies are reshaping contemporary states, creating new public powers, new organizational procedures, and new sets of expertise and practices. Drawing upon Musella’s theoretical framework of monocratic government, this proposal aims to analyse cybersecurity policies in four EU member states, in order to assess the relationships between transformations of democratic regimes and policy processes in the field of cybersecurity. The analysis focuses on cybersecurity policies developed from 2009 to 2022 in countries such as Italy, Spain, France and Germany. The findings show a corroboration of the theory of monocratisation in the Italian, Spanish and French cases, while Germany appears to be bucking the trend, given an important activity carried out by collective bodies of decision-making. Some concluding reflections are also proposed, problematising the relationship between cybersecurity policies and monocratisation processes, enriching the reference literature, and proposing future research trajectories.
Comparing web practice routines: nodality as driver of institutionalization of digital cybersecurity policyMaria Stella Righettini, Monica IbbaAbstractAbstract
The objective of this paper is to analyse policy instruments favouring or boosting cybersecurity policies’ institutionalisation.
National cybersecurity governance arrangements should cover all aspects of prevention, forecasting, tolerance, detection, mitigation, removal, analysis and investigation of cyber incidents (ENISA 2017). Although cybersecurity can be considered a recent policy area, which emerged from the second half of the 20th century, public and governmental attention has already undergone several evolutionary stages. Since the first worm launched by a Cornell University student in the late 1980s, many things have changed, from the launch of the World Wide Web to the development of systems security research and industry and cyber warfare. The European Union adopted its first cybersecurity strategy in 2013 and since then has continuously invested in developing the resilience of its cyberspace (Barrinha et al. 2018).
The widespread use of the net has changed societies, but EU and many governments have not been as quick to define new rules of coexistence, and today we are still facing the consequences of this delay, especially if we consider that in addition to technological investments, cybersecurity goes through people, training, revision of rules and procedures, and a laborious change management process (Colajanni 2019). In literature, public communication has been treated as a policy tool (Howlett 2009) based on nodality resources (Hood 1983, Hood et al. 2007). According to Escher et al., the study of government’s online communication allows to measure nodality (Escher et al. 2006).
In this perspective, it is therefore evident the importance of shedding light on the implementation of communication strategies by governments and their ability to reach end-users.
In this paper, we propose a comparative analysis of website-based online communication strategies implemented by the main cybersecurity authorities at the national level in Italy and France, answering the question: what is the ability of cybersecurity authorities to reach end-users and how does this affect the institutionalisation of cybersecurity as a policy? Using the interpretative lenses provided by neo-institutionalist theory, we will attempt to understand the nodality of government on the web (Escher et al. 2006), based on the hypothesis that nodality is an indicator of the levels of institutionalisation of cybersecurity as policy (Hood et al. 2007).
The impact of institutional contexts on cybersecurity policies (Lanzalaco 2014) will be carried out by determining whether technology is routinely integrated into digital practices and embedded in the routines and behaviours of individuals (Baptista et al. 2010, Rogers, 1962, 2003), and thereby the internalisation of shared norms (meanings) among the public (Peters 1999).
The paper reconstructs the literature on the digital dimensions of institutionalisation and, drawing on Escher et al., who applied webmetrics methods to measure the use of online nodality resources, it analyses nodality from the bottom-up (detecting users’ online searches on cybersecurity issues as a proxy measure of the capacity of online communication by administrations to be at the core of information systems), and top-down perspective (analysing the content supply, i.e. the design of communication with respect to the prevailing topics addressed by public authorities).
The comparison between Italy and France is intended to explore the causal relationship between the levels of institutionalisation of cybersecurity as a policy and nodality according to a nomothetic approach aimed at identifying more generalisable laws (Lanzalaco et al. 2012).
References
Baptista J., Newell S., Currie W. (2010), Paradoxical effects of institutionalisation on the strategic awareness of technology in organisations, in Journal of Strategic Information Systems, vol. 19, pp. 171-183.
Barrinha A., Farrand-Carrapico H. (2018), How coherent is EU cybersecurity policy?, in LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog, https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2018/01/16/how-coherent-is-eu-cybersecurity-policy/.
Colajanni M. (2019), Trent’anni di (in)sicurezza digitale (1988-2018): che ci riserva il prossimo decennio?, https://www.agendadigitale.eu/sicurezza/trentanni-di-insicurezza-digitale-1988-2018-che-ci-riserva-il-prossimo-decennio/.
ENISA (2017), ENISA overview of cybersecurity and related terminology Version 1, https://www.enisa.europa.eu/publications/enisa-position-papers-and-opinions/enisa-overview-of-cybersecurity-and-related-terminology.
Escher T., Margetts H., Petricek V., Cox I. (2006), Governing from the Centre? Comparing the Nodality of Digital Governments, Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 31-September 4.
Hood C. (1983), Tools of Government, Macmillan.
Hood C., Margetts H. (2007), The tools of government in the digital age, Macmillan Education UK.
Howlett M. (2009), Government Communication as a Policy Tool: A Framework for Analysis, in The Canadian Political Science Review, vol. 3(2), pp. 23-37.
Lanzalaco L. (2014), Istituzioni, in Capano G., Giuliani M. (Eds.), Dizionario di politiche pubbliche, Roma, Carocci editore.
Lanzalaco L., Prontera A. (2012), Politiche pubbliche comparate, Bologna, Il Mulino.
Peters B. G. (1999), Institutional theory in political science: The ‘new institutionalism.’, London, Pinter.
Rogers E. M. (1962), Diffusion of Innovations, The Free Press, New York.
Rogers E. M. (2003), Diffusion of Innovations, fifth ed., the Free Press, New York.
Cybersecurity strategy in Italy: Is incident reporting a tool for policy learning?Simone Busetti, Francesco Maria ScanniAbstractThe widespread use of the Internet in both public and private sectors has made institutions and individuals more vulnerable to cyber threats. As a result, cybersecurity has become a crucial area of concern, with increasing importance in national and international security (Kemmerer 2003). This trend has led to the paradox of progress, as highlighted by Pupillo (2018).
The exponential growth of individual and collective security risks to businesses, public administrations, and institutions has made cybersecurity a pressing policy issue (Brechbühl et al., 2010). States (Newmeyer 2015), local governments (Norris & Mateczun 2023), and supranational and international institutions (Golden 2018) must implement more effective countermeasures to prevent systemic damage. In response to these threats, the EU Network and Information Systems Security Directive (NISUE Directive 2016/1148) requires member states to provide for the institutionalization (Di Giulio & Vecchi 2022) of a set of bodies that are capable of ensuring cyber resilience in the EU space (EU Cybersecurity Act 2020). In Italy, the Agency for National Cybersecurity (ACN) and the Computer Security Incident Response Team (CSIRT) are critical players in outlining the national cybersecurity strategy (ACN) and streamlining the country's prevention and response to cyber attacks.
In addition, the European regulation and the subsequent Italian legislation establish new cybersecurity rules, including the obligation to report incidents. This is a central pillar of the cybersecurity strategy. To ensure a prompt response to such incidents, the NIS Directive opened to the creation of the National Security Perimeter (DPCM 105 of 2019), composed of all public and private actors involved in protecting the country's strategic infrastructure. They are required to report any incident concerning specific ICT assets and technologies, as listed in the annexes of the NIS Directive (Markopoulou et al. 2019).
Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, many organisations and government bodies have been forced to rapidly digitise, resulting in a rise in cyber threats. The ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine has also raised concerns about cybersecurity. To address these issues, the European Commission has proposed a revised version of the NIS Directive, known as the NIS2 Directive. This proposal aims to expand the range of mandatory reporting, includes more types of incidents to be reported, and updates the timelines for incident reporting (ACN Determination Jan. 3, 2023).
Despite these tight regulatory requirements, there are concerns in the literature regarding several "weak links" that could impede the effective functioning of the system. These include the low risk-mindset of users (Gcaza & von Solms 2017), the cumbersome regulatory and bureaucratic framework that hinders administrative innovations (De Zan et al. 2021), and the challenge faced by local institutions in evaluating the impact of different attacks (Kosseff 2016; Borriello & Fristachi 2022).
This paper reviews the Italian cybersecurity strategy, focusing on mandatory incident reporting (Contaldo & Peluso 2018; Fauceglia 2020). Incident reporting is supposed to help assess the impact of the attacks, trigger a prompt response, and ultimately improve cybersecurity policy through knowledge acquisition and subsequent policy learning. In this research, we use realist synthesis (Pawson et Al. 2004) and process tracing (Beach & Pedersen 2016) to build a theory of change (TOC) for incident reporting. Further, we test the TOC through a desk review of the academic and grey literature (PRISMA method) and semi-structured interviews with key informants.
Smart Cities and Security: A Quantitative Narrative Analysis of Urban Security Strategies in Italy and the UKMarco Calaresu, Adam EdwardsAbstractCriticism of the idea of «smart cities», enabled by Web2.0+, has gathered pace in the wake of the global ransomware attack of May 2017, which amongst its targets disabled the operation of many hospitals in the UK. Concern over the vulnerability of such critical infrastructure has also been signaled by those arguing that dependence on digital technologies for the organisation of social and economic life has now gone past the point of inflexion in North America and in many European countries. This paper considers the evolving controversy over smart cities and their security implications through a Quantitative Narrative Analysis of urban security strategies in Italy and the UK. It relates this Quantitative Narrative Analysis to broader arguments about the significance of city-regions as objects of security that cannot be sufficiently understood through reference to conventional concepts of territorial governance. How, in the twenty-first century, are public authorities making sense of the new architectures and territories of security generated by smart cities and their emergent technologies?
Panel 6.8 The strategic management of grand challenges: Building capacity for organizing long-term and large-scale policy interventions
During the last years, scholars have increasingly advocated to address societal grand challenges through social science research (Van der Byl et al., 2020). This scholarship understands grand challenges as specific critical barrier(s) that, if removed, would help address important societal problems deriving from, for example, climate change, migration, resource scarcity, technological change, urbanization, and increasing demographic imbalances. Grand challenges, by their very nature, require coordinated and sustained effort from multiple and diverse actors. The United Nations’ (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) represent a perfect example of grand challenges (George et al., 2016). However, despite the collective push to achieve these goals, there remain challenging barriers.
Overcoming such barriers will involve deep government-led interventions in several policy domains including resource management, sustainable urban development, population ageing, migration, agri-food transition, climate change, ecological transition, labor market, technological innovation, and health care. Since the Covid-19 outbreak, strategic long-term and large-scale investment plans and policy interventions have even become more important (Clement et al., 2022; Esposito and Terlizzi, 2023). Indeed, as a response to the Covid-19 pandemic, the European Union has made available a 2021–2027 long-term budget of €1.8 trillion to fund projects with ecological and digital applications. Similarly, in the US a $1.9 trillion Covid relief plan is on the way and China has planned to expedite the rollout of 102 projects for the 2021-25 period.
This panel intends to bridge scholarships in public management, public administration, and political science to shed light on the planning and implementation of government-led interventions to strategically deal with grand challenges. It aims at exploring how governmental organizations at different levels provide visions for innovation with a view to achieve broad and widely accepted societal goals and improve public value (Mazzucato and Ryan-Collins, 2022). The strategic management of grand challenges needs capacities to organize the above-mentioned long-term and large-scale policy interventions. These capacities revolve around key governance features such as open and inclusive decision-making systems, alternative performance management systems, and active dialogue among all concerned stakeholders (Esposito et al., 2021, 2022; Esposito and Terlizzi, 2023). Articles in this panel ought to bring the focus on the understanding of policy-making around grand challenges as a complex, uncertain, and conflictual process shaped by the collective action of governments, businesses, and civil society.
The panel is open to different theoretical and empirical approaches and embraces methodological pluralism. It welcomes either single-case or comparative studies and deals with any stage of the policy process in relation to a variety of grand challenges, including the SDGs. We particularly welcome papers understanding grand challenges as wicked policy fields marked by a complex web of stakeholders’ interests and populated by problems which are resistant to a clear and agreed solution (Head, 2022). Theoretical perspectives can be drawn from policy sciences approaches (e.g. Advocacy Coalition Framework, Multiple Streams Framework, Narrative Policy Framework) as well as the literature on collaborative governance, public value creation, and policy, public and social entrepreneurship.
References
Clement J, Esposito G and Crutzen N (2022) Municipal Pathways in Response to COVID-19: A Strategic Management Perspective on Local Public Administration Resilience. Administration & Society: 009539972211003. DOI: 10.1177/00953997221100382.
Esposito G and Terlizzi A (2023) Governing wickedness in megaprojects: discursive and institutional perspectives. Policy and Society. DOI: 10.1093/polsoc/puad002.
Esposito G, Nelson T, Ferlie E, et al. (2021) The institutional shaping of global megaprojects: The case of the Lyon-Turin high-speed railway. International Journal of Project Management 39(6): 658–671. DOI: 10.1016/j.ijproman.2021.06.001.
Esposito G, Terlizzi A and Crutzen N (2022) Policy narratives and megaprojects: the case of the Lyon-Turin high-speed railway. Public Management Review 24(1): 55–79. DOI: 10.1080/14719037.2020.1795230.
George G, Howard-Grenville J, Joshi A, et al. (2016) Understanding and Tackling Societal Grand Challenges through Management Research. Academy of Management Journal 59(6). Academy of ManagementBriarcliff Manor, NY: 1880–1895. DOI: 10.5465/amj.2016.4007.
Head BW (2022) Wicked Problems in Public Policy: Understanding and Responding to Complex Challenges (Wageed. ). Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.
Mazzucato M and Ryan-Collins J (2022) Putting value creation back into “public value”: from market-fixing to market-shaping. Journal of Economic Policy Reform 25(4): 345–360. DOI: 10.1080/17487870.2022.2053537.
Van der Byl C, Slawinski N and Hahn T (2020) Responsible management of sustainability tensions: a paradoxical approach to grand challenges. In: Research Handbook of Responsible Management. Edward Elgar Publishing, pp. 438–452. DOI: 10.4337/9781788971966.00038.
Chairs: Andrea Terlizzi, Giovanni Esposito
Discussants: Giovanni Esposito
The Local implementation of 2030 Agenda: the challenge of administrative sustainability ?Edoardo Amato, Daniela Bernaschi, Maria Camilla FraudatarioAbstractKeywords: Sustainable Development, wicked problem, administrative sustainability
The UN 2030 SD Agenda presents transformative potential in five crucial areas: people, planet, peace, prosperity, and partnership (UN, 2015). The 5Ps of the SD Goals aims to define development in multidimensional terms, targeting the achievement of 17 goals (e.g., poverty, hunger, economic growth, environment, inequality, etc.) which present an interdependent nature and also a conflicting one. Such a complexity in goals makes the Agenda 2030 a societal challenge that requires an intense work both to define and measure the concept of sustainable development (SD) and to implement national and local policies.
The core of this paper is the analysis of the role of local governance to manage this wicked problem. Indeed, both the local governance model and the interaction among multiple social actors generate affecting elements for the strategies of SD policy design. Starting from the effort of localizing the definition of SD, the article will address three main dimensions linked with wickedness:
1) conceptual; 2) administrative; 3) political.
1) The blurred conceptual boundaries increase the role of the local actors in defining SD, so inevitably affecting even the actions adopted to reach the goals. In other words, the theoretical differentiation and the complexity behind SD measurement generate effects on the policy actions. This dynamic makes emerge the key role played by a collective and multistakeholder reflection to define SD concept and to deal with the problem of coherent policy mixes.
2) Local authorities dealing with grand challenges such as Agenda 2030 have administrative problems: on the one hand adapting strategic long-term and large-scale plans with the managing of emergencies, like covid has clearly shown; on the other hand, local authorities seem to suffer a shortage or lack of resources, both economically and in terms of knowledge. So the debate about sustainability should take into consideration even a sort of administrative weakness.
3) In addition to an administrative vertical approach that makes it complex to address multidimensionality, it should be considered the risk of instrumental use of SDGs. The issues of sustainability, now entered into the political debate, due to the lack of conceptual clarity and the difficulties of implementation, risk ending in a narrative aimed at sustainability that, however, does not rest on coherent policies and actions, showing an effort of decision-makers to simplify the multidimensionality of SD.
This paper analyzes the case of the Metropolitan City of Florence (Italy), more specifically of seventeen municipalities within. As a source of data, the research takes into consideration the literature review, statistical indices and the data collected from the interviews with key informants (scholars in various disciplinary domains, associations working in the territory, local public institutions, and policymakers).
This article aims to highlight, on the one hand, the collaborative building of a local SD definition; on the other hand, it aims to outline some administrative and political limits to its implementation in a local context.
Negotiating impact in PPP: measurement systems and outcome-based incentivesGiorgia Trasciani, Enrico Bellazzecca , Tommaso Tropeano, Valentina TosiAbstractMany pressures have arisen as a result of the rapid expansion and transformation of the sector’s role in public service delivery over the last twenty years, included a demand for evidence from the private sector, in order to prove the implementation of activities and the creation impact.
This paper examines how social value – as a key dimension to outcomes-based commissioning – is being assessed and applied in the framework of complex public policies aimed at solving grand challenges. Furthermore, we will analyze how the application of social impact could influence organizations, particularly on the choice of the kind of activities to implement. Exploring the nature of the evidence required by public actors – commissioners - from private - to demonstrate their effectiveness, this paper will show the role play as coordination mechanism, played by the social impact assessment activity, within complex projects, midway between a tool to implement innovative processes of collaboration among actors, and action of control on the private implementing the projects.
At the beginning of 2000, governments began to engage with several private agents in often complex and contractually sophisticated network relationships (Casady et al., 2019; Hodge and Greve, 2018). Some scholars have interpreted it as a shift from the traditional hierarchical forms of organization and competition, characterizing NPM model in favor of an increasing application of collaboration arrangements (Bryson et al., 2014; Pestoff, 2012). the network structure that characterizes the market, defines relationships more socially integrated and less distant among actors (Osborne, Radnor, and Nasi, 2013). This network is characterized by inter-organizational relationships, collaborative partnerships and other forms of multi- actor relationships (Wu, Ramesh and Howlett, 2015) The traditional hierarchy, in which public authorities take decisions and TSOs and private for profit organizations implement policy, is replaced by a co- responsibility relationship in the design and implementation of public policies. The emergence of more pluralist models of governance and provision of welfare services is observed as well.
However, this trend also coincided with an increased pressure on those private agents to provide evidence of the effectiveness of their services and interventions to demonstrate the value and impact of what it is they do (Harlock, 2014). Alongside this drive for public sector financial accountability, there has been a shift towards outcomes-based commissioning in the public sector, focused on achieving the greatest (and often longer term) benefits for service users and communities (Bovaird and Löffler, 2009). service providers are expected to demonstrate how their services, activities and interventions are helping public sector commissioners to achieve such social benefits for their different client groups. In this environment a risk of mission drift has been already highlighted by several authors, who criticize the neutrality of these kinds of instruments (Desrosières, 1993). While this neutrality, based on the idea that through quantitative indicators it is possible to measures the objective qualities of social services, these authors also highlight the becoming more and more subject to heteronomy, quantification, standardization, of the systems of social impact measurement, with in turn an impact on the organizational structures and missions of the organizations under evaluation (Jany-Catrice, 2022).
To develop our analysis, we will use a case study, the 15-minute city urban policy, implemented in Milan. The rapid and massive size of urbanization raises challenges such as affordable housing, pollution, efficient infrastructure and transportation systems, basic and public services, poverty, employment availability, and social equality. To address these challenges and combat climate change and manage the expected exponential urbanization around the globe, Sustainable urban development has become a major theme in urban planning for the last two decades. According to the "15-minute city" concept, cities should be planned or replanned so that daily requirements like employment, home, food, education, healthcare, parks, and so on are accessible on foot or by bicycle within a 15-minute commute. It is derived from the previously existing concept of urban walkability and proximity. Neighborhood units, iso-benefit urbanism, and whole communities are a few examples that have focused on the same idea of walkability and proximity. The 15-minute city urban policy is organized in a number of different specific interventions. We will particularly focus on one of them, aimed at funding for profit and non-profit enterprises to develop services in specific neighborhoods of the cities the most vulnerable, offering support for social impact investments for profit and non-profit enterprises. The system includes, on the top of the selection through an open call for projects, outcome-based incentives, Actually, a rewarding system, based on the achievement of social objectives which permits an increase of the contribution (up to max. 90% of the project cost, based on the social impact, validated through specific KPIs. Our analysis is based on the 22 organizations, financed by public authorities, and thus committed to the implementation of activities.
selected
Bibliography
Bryson, J. M., Crosby, B. C., & Bloomberg, L. (2014). Public Value Governance: Moving Beyond Traditional Public Administration and the New Public Management. Public Administration Review, 74(4), 445–456.
Casady, C. B., Eriksson, K., Levitt, R. E., & Scott, W. R. (2019). (Re)defining public-private partnerships (PPPs) in the new public governance (NPG) paradigm: An institutional maturity perspective. Public Management Review, 1–23.
Jany-Catrice,F., 2022 A political economy of social impact measurement Annals of Public and Cooperatives Economic ;93:267–291.
Damned if you do, damned if you don’t : the politics of preventionCatherine Moury, Olivier Jacques, Emna Ben JeliliAbstractIn this paper, we theoretically and empirically reflect on the politics of prevention - a much understudied policy that is often confused with investments. We contend that the latter is an error: in contrast to investments, which aim to bring returns in the future, prevention must be considered as an insurance - which would turn out to be an investment only if activated. Given this particularity, we argue that governments have few electoral incentives to spend money on prevention - and they take large electoral risks when they do. If the prevention is successful, it risks being largely invisible. If by contrast, the feared event does not happen or has been overestimated, governments might be accused by their electorate of wasting public money. Finally, if governments discontinued prevention spending and the feared event occurs, they will be seen as the culprit of this discontinuation by public opinion. We illustrate our theoretical argument with the case of pandemic preparedness in France (2002-2020) using a theory-building process-tracing method. We empirically identify, and theoretically explain, three different phases of pandemic preparation. Phase 1, from 2002 to 2007, represents a period of exemplary pandemic preparation. The H1N1 crisis marks phase 2, during which the government is seen as overreacting to the crisis and of having wasted public money at the benefit of powerful industries. Phase 3 is marked by willingness among elected and non-elected decision-makers to avoid “waste” related to prevention, which leads to a significant limitation of stockpiling of individual protection equipment, in a context of budgetary austerity and of administrative changes. This case study contributes to theory building on the politics of prevention and helps scholars to understand why governments have generally been underprepared for the COVID-19 pandemic.
Foresight for sustainability and well-being governance: the case of Wales and the 2015 Well-being of Future Generations ActLaura De VitoAbstractTo achieve global sustainable development goals, governments around the world need to translate them into goals and objectives that can be delivered locally through effective governance arrangements and policies. Devolved governments that pursue long-term policies for sustainability and well-being face particular challenges and opportunities in this regard. This paper presents an overview of the research process and findings from the ESRC Policy Fellowship: Welsh Government Sustainable Futures, which tackled these issues by looking at the case of Wales and its Well-being of Future Generations Act (2015). In Wales, the 2015 Well-being of Future Generations Act defines seven national well-being goals; it then places a duty on public bodies to set their own well-being objectives and to take all reasonable steps to meet these objectives in line with the sustainable development principle and in a way that maximises their contribution to the achievement of the national well-being goals. Through a multi-level governance and institutionalist lens, this paper unpacks the mechanisms that can enable (or hinder) devolved governments aiming to embed long-term thinking through futures and foresight approaches, and identifies barriers and enablers to increase capacity and capabilities. Learning from national and international experiences, as well as from insights from semi-structured interviews, three foresight pilots conducted with Welsh Government policy teams, and two final stakeholder workshops, the paper discusses mechanisms that strengthen and maximise the potential for foresight to support sustainable development and well-being governance.
The forgotten variable? The relationship between public administration traditions and large-scale social policy reforms. The case of childcare reform in Germany, Italy and the United StatesDaniel SerranoAbstractCurrent views of welfare state recalibration emphasize popular demand as the main explanatory factor for social policy reform. New constituencies of highly educated professionals demand new welfare policies: childcare, HE, parental leave, ALMP or new VET programs. However, why have only a subset of countries in central and northern Europe recalibrated their welfare states successfully towards new needs? While these approaches emphasize demand. They cannot explain how governments use the administrative apparatus and cooperation with other civil society actors (welfare governance) to deliver public services. Specifically, it is necessary to investigate where, how and when welfare state policies mutate into new programs. In the last decades most countries have initiated to encourage the use of childcare facilities. This is due to new social changes: new lifestyles, the fall in fertility and the integration of women into the labor market. What is most interesting is that these policies were implemented in totally different ways. While in the United States they have created a private sponsored system, in Germany they have instituted a fully public system. In Italy the system is hybrid, implemented at the local level but with large differences between municipalities. While coverage in Germany is high, Italy and the United States could not increase childcare coverage successfully. We argue that successful welfare reform is not only about the politics of welfare, but also about the governance of welfare (Scalise and Hemerijick, 2022). In this paper we explore the administrative development of childcare policies in Germany, United States and Italy in the last two decades. We analyzed the causal mechanisms through which political demands were translated different by different administrative infrastructures and diverse civil society and implementing actors.
Panel 6.9 Transizione dei sistemi alimentari e sfide per la sostenibilità. - Food transition and sustainability challanges
Food systems transition and sustainability challenges.
General Objectives and Relevance
According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the food system contributes one-third of CO2 global emissions. A food system is a complex network of policies and interventions that impact a region or community's environment, society, health, and economic conditions (Tendall, 2015). The food system includes many organizational aspects and functions: from making a product to its transformation, treatment, and consumption. A food system may consist of production, processing, transportation, wholesale and retail distribution, consumption, waste management, and support systems such as education, government, governance, and emergency food providers. A sustainable food system provides healthy and wholesome food to meet current food needs, maintaining and guaranteeing the protection of the environment and healthy ecosystems that can provide food for future generations, impacting as little as possible on the environment. A sustainable food system encourages local production by making food nutritious, usable, and accessible to consumers. Still, it must intervene to prevent, mitigate and protect farmers, workers, consumers, and communities from the adverse effects of climate change, of which drought is undoubtedly one of the emerging and most worrying aspects. The current literature highlights the obstacles which hinder the transition to just food policy systems that embodies the nexus among food and nutrition security, natural capital preservation, and climatic and social justice and propose new avenues for food policy studies (Galli et al., 2020).
Call for papers
This panel will provide a space for dialogue and discussion on the relationship between EU sustainability and climate change policies and food just transition (Tribaldos, Kortetmaki, 2022) through rural development policy, agriculture development policy, and urban food policies, also in a comparative perspective. The panel will provide a space for dialogue and discussion on the relationship between EU sustainability and climate change policies and food just transition (Tribaldos, Kortetmaki, 2022) through rural development policy, agriculture development policy, and urban food policies, also in a comparative perspective. This panel acknowledges vast literature on these topics but also considers the rapid evolution of the conceptual and empirical approaches to food sustainability economically, socially, and environmentally speaking. The panel welcomes academic papers and practitioners' contributions to develop critical reflections that trigger a forward-looking perspective on food system resilience, collaborative food governance, food policy transition, and innovation. Therefore, we invite papers from different disciplines, policy actors, and NGOs that focus on any European geographic area, level of government, type of actors, governance tools, processes, and methodologies to address innovative cross-disciplinary approaches and linkages in food policymaking, policy implementation, and evaluation.
Obiettivi generali e rilevanza
Secondo l'Organizzazione per l'alimentazione e l'agricoltura (FAO), il sistema alimentare contribuisce per un terzo alle emissioni globali di CO2. Un sistema alimentare è una complessa rete di politiche e interventi che hanno un impatto sull'ambiente, la società, la salute e le condizioni economiche di una regione o di una comunità (Tendall, 2015). Il sistema alimentare comprende molti aspetti e funzioni organizzative: dalla realizzazione di un prodotto alla sua trasformazione, trattamento e consumo. Tale sistema può consistere in produzione, lavorazione, trasporto, distribuzione all'ingrosso e al dettaglio, consumo, gestione dei rifiuti e sistemi di supporto come istruzione, governo, governance e fornitori di cibo di emergenza. Un sistema alimentare sostenibile fornisce cibo sano e genuino per soddisfare le esigenze alimentari attuali, mantenendo e garantendo la protezione dell'ambiente e degli ecosistemi sani che possono fornire cibo per le generazioni future, impattando il meno possibile sull'ambiente. Un sistema alimentare sostenibile incoraggia la produzione locale rendendo il cibo nutriente, utilizzabile e accessibile ai consumatori ma deve intervenire per previene, mitigare e proteggere agricoltori, lavoratori, consumatori e comunità dagli effetti negativi del cambiamento climatico, tra cui certamente la siccità è uno degli aspetti emergenti e più preoccupanti. La letteratura attuale evidenzia vari tipi di ostacoli alla transizione verso giusti sistemi di politica alimentare che incarnino il nesso tra sicurezza alimentare e nutrizionale, conservazione del capitale naturale e giustizia climatica e sociale e si rende sempre più necessario sviluppare un approccio trasformativo alla politica alimentare (Galli et al., 2020). Primo fra tutti la prevalenza di politiche a sylos che non tendono conto degli impatti trasversali delle politiche e delle decisioni.
Questo panel offrirà uno spazio di dialogo e discussione sulla relazione tra le politiche dell'UE in materia di sostenibilità e cambiamenti climatici e la giusta transizione alimentare (Tribaldos, Kortetmaki, 2022) attraverso politiche rurali e agricole multifunzionali, e politiche alimentari urbane, anche in una prospettiva comparativa. Questo panel riconosce la vasta letteratura su questi argomenti, ma considera anche la rapida evoluzione dell'approccio concettuale ed empirico alla sostenibilità alimentare dal punto di vista economico, sociale e ambientale. Il panel accoglie con favore documenti accademici e contributi di professionisti per sviluppare riflessioni critiche che inneschino una prospettiva lungimirante sulla resilienza del sistema alimentare, la governance alimentare collaborativa, la transizione delle politiche alimentari e l'innovazione. Pertanto, invitiamo i documenti di diverse discipline, attori politici e ONG che si concentrano su qualsiasi area geografica europea, tipo di attori, strumenti di governance, processi e metodologie per affrontare approcci e collegamenti interdisciplinari innovativi nella definizione delle politiche alimentari, nell'attuazione e valutazione delle food policies.
Chairs: Maria Stella Righettini
Discussants: Renata Lizzi
Just food transition: for a gender mainstreaming approach in urban food policies. An analytical review of 20 cities.Chiara BergonziniAbstractThe need for a sustainability transition in food systems is widely agreed on by scholars due to the global food system’s assessed impact on various ecological issues – including first of all carbon emissions but also biodiversity loss and more –, but recently, the problem of justice in such transition has also been raised (Kortetmäki, 2022; Tribaldos & Kortetmäki, 2022). Indeed, ecological transitions in all sectors are at risk of impacting different groups in different ways, with vulnerable groups and communities exposed to both greater climate change consequences if transition is not performed, and greater socio-economic impacts related to decarbonization if transition does happen (Morena et al., 2020). However, as noted by Kortetmäki (2022), the question of justice in food systems transition is arguably more relevant due to the fact that, unlike other transitions such as energy transition, its consequences are much more visible to individuals in their daily lives.
One dimension of vulnerability that has been proven to crosscut all stages of the food system, but also to increase the risk of exposure to climate change effects, is gender (see for example: OECD, 2022; UN Women Watch, 2009). It is however interesting that women are part of the same communities as men, and create households together with men, so paying attention to community vulnerability or socio-economic group vulnerability in the quest for a just food transition might hide the differences between women and men within such groups. Women, for example, are more vulnerable to food insecurity, sometimes even inside their own household due to the different allocation of food resources between female and male members of a family (Broussard, 2019).
Cities have largely been recognized as the privileged scale and the relevant actors to implement successful strategies for food system transition towards greater sustainability (Galli et al., 2020; Halliday, 2022; Sonnino et al., 2019). Cities across the globe are paying more and more attention to their potential role in this context, and inter-city networks that bring together active local administrations on the topic of urban food policies are proliferating (Candel, 2020; Deakin et al., 2019; Zerbian et al., 2022). However, a gender perspective in the construction of urban food strategies is still lacking. While a few cases of local food strategies that mention the need for gender equality exist (see for example Estrategia d'Alimentacio Sostenible Barcelona 2030), these are still rare cases, and on top of that they mention this need as a separate and vague aim of their strategy, without actually applying a gender lens to the construction of all their objectives. I argue that keeping a gender perspective in the construction of all the objectives included in a urban food strategy could not only grant a higher level of justice in food system transitions at the local level, but also improve the overall results of the transition itself, since it has been assessed that women tend to make healthier and more sustainable food choices and are more represented in sustainable agricultural organizations (Allen & Sachs, 2007; OECD, 2022). Through an analysis of twenty cases of urban food policies through a gendered perspective, this paper aims at demonstrating that, although theoretically recognized as relevant, a gender mainstreaming approach is widely lacking from policy practice. Therefore, more research should be dedicated to the potential for cities to play a vital role both in increasing gender equality globally and in granting a just food system transition through policy integration, and especially by keeping a gender perspective in all stages of the design of their urban food policy.
Governance collaborativa e valutazione per la sostenibilità dei sistemi alimentari universitariMicaela Sciarra, Maria Stella RighettiniAbstractLa trasformazione dei sistemi alimentari per il raggiungimento degli Obiettivi di Sviluppo Sostenibile rappresenta un proposito urgente dell’agenda politica mondiale, e si caratterizza come «wicked problem». Per fornire una risposta al problema complesso di sostenibilità dei sistemi alimentari universitari, tanto rilevanti quanto poco studiati, la governance collaborativa può fornire un utile strumento di analisi e di innovazione. Questo paper prende le mosse dal contributo di Ansell e Torfing (2021), adottandone la visione della collaborative governance (GC) come processo di co-creazione di valore pubblico in ambito universitario. Il paper analizza come l’adozione di processi collaborativi tra attori istituzionali di varia natura e beneficiari possa favorire la creazione di valore pubblico. Le lenti teoriche scelte, ovvero la governance collaborativa, la co-creazione di valore pubblico e il potenziale trasformativo della comunità, costituiscono i pilastri analitici su cui poggia l’analisi empirica del caso studio: un progetto di valutazione partecipativa del servizio di ristorazione nell’Università di Padova.
The role of ideas and interest groups in shaping the CAP 2023-2027 reformElisa BordinAbstractThe transition to sustainable food systems is incomplete without a transition to sustainable practices in agriculture. Within the European context this transition is hard to achieve due the resistance of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) to change. While its traditional role of support for farmers and the agricultural sector is challenged, the increasing demands for a more holistic and sustainability-centered approach fail to achieve radical change. In this context, EU interest groups use budgetary constraints and external crises to shift the debate in the European institutions towards a more conservative or reformative direction. Considering the central position of interest groups in representing the demands from civil society, as well as in providing information to decision makers, this paper investigates their role in shaping policy reforms. Traditionally, interest groups have a strong and mutually beneficial relation with the European Commission. Yet, the increased role of new policy actors, such as the DG ENV and the European Parliament, is changing the dynamics of this relationship. Using a discursive institutionalist lens, this contribution examines how interest groups use ideas to generate alternative ways to look at agricultural issues, as well as new policy solutions. The study combines the analysis of relevant documentation and interviews with interest groups’ and Commission’s representatives to unveil the mechanisms whereby ideas interact and influence each other, shaping the scope of policy reforms. Understanding these mechanisms has fundamental implications for the transparency and accountability of the democratic process, as well as for the effective transition to sustainable food systems.
Panel 6.10 Between a rock and a hard place: the implementation of the Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan
The Italian NRRP, worth €191,5 bn, represents the first major fiscal impetus response to a major crisis, a break with decades of austerity, and an unprecedented opportunity for the Italian government to invest in new hard and soft infrastructure and introduce long-awaited reforms. Designing and implementing the NRRP is entailing significant political and policy activism yet, while implementation is subject to temporal and procedural constraints of the RRF regulation (EU 2021/241), it is being slowed down by repeated political turnovers, lack of leadership, unresolved multi-level tensions, insufficient administrative capacity and, arguably, by internal contradictions which are intrinsic to the RRF framework itself.
Against this background, we invite papers that address the implementation of the Italian RRP, from the perspectives (among others) of crisis response instruments, multi-level governance, implementation gap, administrative capacity, and politicization. Questions to be addressed include, but are not limited to, the following: to what extent is the Italian NRRP a suitable tool to overcome crisis and lead to long-term resilience? How is implementation proceeding and what are the causes for sluggish performance in certain investment/reform areas? Are the very architecture and logic of the RRF part of the problem? To what extent is administrative capacity being reinforced to ensure a timely completion of investments and reforms? What accountability and evaluation mechanisms are being put in place to ensure, not only compliance and spend, but also impact? Are existing multi-level and fiscal arrangements undermining effectiveness and efficiency? How successfully are short- v. long-term goals and EU v. domestic ambitions being reconciled? Is the RRP leading to an increased politicization of policy-making within Italy?
Papers on national cases other than Italy, or comparative analyses are also welcome.
Chairs: Sabrina Cavatorto, Alessandro Natalini, Laura Polverari
Discussants: Stefania Profeti
PNRR e strumenti di trasparenza: il caso dei Piani territorialiIsabella CaponeAbstractQuesto lavoro intende fornire le basi per una valutazione degli interventi e degli strumenti che derivano dal Piano Nazionale di Ripresa e Resilienza, ponendo l’attenzione sulla programmazione regionale e come tali strumenti possono migliorare la trasparenza amministrativa, soprattutto a seguito della crisi da Covid-19 che ha innalzato, nel nostro paese e non solo, il rischio di corruzione (Carloni, 2020; Boin &’t Hart, 2022). Il PNRR, per realizzare la riforma della Pubblica Amministrazione ed in particolare, nell’ambito della Missione 1. «Digitalizzazione, innovazione, competitività, cultura e turismo», Componente 1, «Digitalizzazione, innovazione e sicurezza nella PA», ha l’obiettivo di rendere la PA migliore “alleata” sia di cittadini che delle imprese, con un’offerta di servizi sempre più efficienti e facilmente accessibili.
Uno degli strumenti in causa, ed oggetto di studio, sono i Piani Territoriali. Tali Piani, approvati con il decreto del Capo del Dipartimento della Funzione Pubblica in data 30 novembre 2021, predisposti dalle Regioni come previsti dall’Allegato D al D.P.C.M del 12 novembre 2021, sono strumenti di monitoraggio e di prevenzione alla corruzione che permettono di verificare la “situazioni attuale e obiettivi”, le “risorse e modalità di attuazione”, i “tempi e risultati attesi” e la “governance” coinvolta. In particolare, i Piani territoriali rappresentano lo strumento di programmazione e di conoscibilità verso l’esterno delle attività di semplificazione dei procedimenti amministrativi (in materie di valutazioni e autorizzazioni ambientali, bonifiche, rinnovabili, rifiuti, edilizia e urbanistica, appalti e infrastrutture digitali) all’accrescimento della capacità amministrativa. Il Dipartimento della funzione pubblica, attraverso il reclutamento di mille esperti, ha inteso ad affidare ad essi l’allocazione delle attività presso le amministrazioni dei territori, anche con il coordinamento delle amministrazioni regionali.
Il lavoro si focalizzerà, pertanto, sulle implicazioni in termini di trasparenza amministrativa e l’adozione di nuovi strumenti di monitoraggio per la predisposizione dei fondi del PNRR, quali i Piani territoriali. In particolare, i Piani innescano obblighi di trasparenza proattiva sia nella fase di rilevazione dei bisogni dell’amministrazione, ossia in fase di policy design, spingendo a una condivisione delle modalità con cui le risorse messe a disposizione del PNRR che saranno impiegate dalle Regioni, sia nella fase di concreta attuazione di tali politiche di riforma, in quanto prevedono complessi e dettagliati sistemi di monitoraggio (policy monitoring) essi possono essere visti anche come sistemi di prevenzione alla corruzione. Da una prima analisi della loro adozione, tuttavia, i Piani territoriali suggeriscono l’esistenza di interpretazioni eterogenee di tali obblighi, sia in fase di design che di monitoraggio e prevenzione.
Governance analysis in the multilevel implementation of the RRFSabrina Cavatorto, Paola ColettiAbstractAfter two years of post-pandemic recovery, the governance processes triggered in the EU by the implementation of the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RFF) are an interesting topic to investigate. As known, the RRF is an innovative – so said ‘performance-based’ – temporary tool, directly managed by the European Commission but, at the same time, relying on the member states for compliance with national and EU rules (as is the case in shared management programs, such as EU cohesion policy funding). This characteristic of the RRF design makes its implementation highly challenging, based on an unprecedented multi-level interlinking and, moreover, urged by time constraints (disbursement to member states must be completed by the end of 2026).
That said, the aim of this paper is to examine how the RFF implementation has so far concretely influenced two components of governance in the multi-level context, namely inter-institutional relations in monitoring and assessment activities, and stakeholders’ involvement; being well aware that, in the long run, it is the governance structures and mechanisms themselves that may influence the performance level of implementing efforts.
Theoretically, we intend to formulate hypotheses on the possible links between the type of networks and the quality of policy outputs, without underestimating the relevance of the institutional contexts. From an analytical point of view, a comparison between the EU and national levels, and their connections, is empirically fruitful. Notably, although still in a preliminary form, evidence from the implementation of the Italian and Spanish national plans are discussed: these national cases are significant both in terms of the amount of financing requested, and because of the institutional context (comparable – high – level of decentralisation, and a relevant political discontinuity in government – still potential for Spain, but on the agenda). About implementation structures, we focus on monitoring and evaluation systems. Crosswise, the level of institutional innovation is regarded. To check the degree of complexity and inclusiveness of the networks, the role of parliaments is taken into account, as well as stakeholders’ engagement through consultation processes.
Contractual Leadership. The Role of the Commission in the Consensual Implementation of the Recovery and Resilience FacilityAna Mar Fernandez Pasarin, Andrea LanaiaAbstractHow is consensus generated under conditions of high implementation conditionality? This article analyses the conditionality regime of the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) and argues that the contractual leadership played by the European Commission (EC) mostly accounts for the achievement of consensus in this new redistributive policy. Using a process-tracing method and relying on a novel dataset associating the institutional design of the RFF to the different stages of the implementation process in the 27 Member States, the study opens the blackbox of the implementation routines of the RFF and shows that, even when subject to strong intergovernmental checkpoints, the structural capacity of the EC to quickly adapt to new policy challenges and mobilise its vast expertise in the management of EU policies and Member states’ macroeconomic supervision increase its contractual leadership and enable consensus by reducing the space for contestation available to potentially opposing interests in the Council.
Le politiche di ricerca e innovazione nei piani nazionali di ripresa italiano, spagnolo, francese e tedesco: un'analisi comparativa delle sfide emergenti per la governance multilivelloValentina Ottone, Michele BarbieriAbstractLa crisi innescata dalla pandemia di Covid-19 ha messo in crisi i sistemi socio-economici di tutti gli Stati membri europei. Per ridurre il grave impatto della pandemia, l’Unione Europea ha istituito un fondo comune per gli Stati europei, avviando così un processo di ripresa socio-economica. Tale fondo è stato concesso dietro presentazione di un piano programmatico di obiettivi da perseguire entro determinate scadenze, opportunamente valutate dalla Commissione Europea. Sebbene la Commissione europea abbia fornito linee guida generali per l’elaborazione dei piani e la costituzione della governance multilivello dei piani di ripresa nazionali, ogni Paese ha agito in base al proprio contesto istituzionale, politico, economico e sociale. Pertanto, questo articolo indaga i fattori che influenzano le modalità di attuazione delle politiche di ricerca e innovazione in quattro contesti diversi, sia dal punto di vista geografico che storico, economico e amministrativo, quali: Italia e Spagna come rappresentanti del modello mediterraneo; Francia e Germania come rappresentanti del modello continentale. I risultati confermano due principali fattori chiave, che arricchiscono la letteratura di riferimento sulle modalità di attuazione delle politiche pubbliche. In primo luogo, la capacità degli attori di unirsi in reti sinergiche e cooperative, orientate al raggiungimento di obiettivi comuni. Il secondo è l’eredità delle politiche, che ancorano tuttora gli attori alle “dipendenze di percorso”, ostacolando così la loro capacità di discostarsi da esse.
NRRPs, permacrisis and public administration reform in Italy and Greece: continuity or paradigm shift?Laura Polverari, Stella LadiAbstractThe 2008 economic crisis, 2020 pandemicand now the energy crisis ensuing from the Russian invasion of Ukraine have altered the scenario in which Public Administrations operate and led to the introduction of PA reforms and administrative strengthening measures under EU conditionality. The paper examines the PA reforms contained in the Italian and Greek NRRPs and their continuity or change compared to previous reforms to assess whether a paradigm shift is emerging and the new features of a post-pandemic PA.