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SISP Conference 2022

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Section 8 - Regional Studies and Local Policies

Managers: Mattia Casula (mattia.casula@hotmail.it), Giorgia Nesti (giorgia.nesti@unipd.it)

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La Sezione di Studi regionali e politiche locali si propone di promuovere la ricerca e l’analisi sui temi della politica sub-nazionale, delle relazioni centro-periferia e delle politiche pubbliche locali e regionali, che rappresentano temi di particolare rilevanza soprattutto nell’ultimo decennio all’interno della scienza politica internazionale.

La crisi economica del 2008, i problemi legati al cambiamento climatico, all’invecchiamento della popolazione, alla crescita delle diseguaglianze economiche e sociali, nonché la crescente sfiducia dei cittadini e delle cittadine nella capacità di risposta della politica, hanno infatti posto nuove e pressanti sfide ai governi sub-nazionali. Tali sfide sono state ulteriormente esacerbate dalla diffusione della pandemia da Covid-19, il che ha avuto un violento impatto economico sulle imprese, sul commercio e sul turismo, ha posto sotto stress i sistemi sanitari, sociali ed educativi, rafforzando le esistenti diseguaglianze e rendendo ulteriormente vulnerabili alcune categorie di persone. In questo contesto estremamente incerto, i processi di collaborazione e coordinamento tra livelli istituzionali, così come tra amministrazione pubblica e terzo settore, si sono rivelati estremamente complessi, ed hanno evidenziato la fragilità degli equilibri e degli assetti inter-istituzionali presenti nel nostro Paese.

Muovendo da tale scenario, la Sezione invita a presentare proposte di panel e di tavole rotonde, in italiano e in inglese, che affrontino in prospettiva nazionale e/o comparata il tema dell’impatto delle recenti crisi sui contesti locali, e che analizzino come tali crisi multiple abbiano modificato e stiano modificando la politica e le politiche locali e regionali e quali prospettive si prefigurino per regioni e comuni nella post pandemia.

Possibili – ma non esaustivi – temi di ricerca per panel e contributi sono:

- L’impatto della pandemia Covid-19 a livello locale: analisi della governance della pandemia in prospettiva multilivello nei vari ambiti di policy; ruolo delle classi politiche locali e dei leader politici nella gestione della pandemia; prospettive future, ridefinizione dei paradigmi di sviluppo locale e sfide della ripresa nel post-Covid-19;
- L’innovazione nella definizione e gestione delle politiche e nell’erogazione di servizi: adozione di approcci innovativi e sperimentali per la definizione e l’implementazione delle politiche; co-produzione e nuove modalità di erogazione dei servizi; utilizzo di tecniche innovative di partecipazione pubblica e di consensus-building; analisi di casi empirici che illustrino le opportunità e i rischi connessi all’utilizzo delle nuove tecnologie, dell’intelligenza artificiale e del cd. “internet delle cose” da parte delle amministrazioni locali;
- Gli esiti delle riforme istituzionali: analisi dei processi di riordino territoriale e di riordino delle unità organizzative periferiche in vari settori della PA (es. sanità, scuola, giustizia, servizi pubblici locali), anche in un’ottica di comparazione inter-settoriale, e valutazione preliminare della loro complessiva ‘tenuta’ di fronte alla crisi economica e all’emergenza sanitaria;
- Le elezioni e la competizione partitica: analisi delle dinamiche e degli esiti della competizione elettorale su scala regionale e locale nelle elezioni amministrative più recenti; analisi dell’offerta politica; relazione tra dinamiche partitiche locali e nazionali; comportamento e partecipazione elettorale, identità locali, istanze autonomiste, euro-secessioniste e populiste; caratteristiche e temi della campagna elettorale; meccanismi di selezione delle candidature e di costruzione delle alleanze; processi di formazione delle giunte e caratteristiche della classe politica eletta, anche con riferimento alla rappresentanza di genere;
- La governance multilivello: implementazione delle politiche europee, utilizzo dell’approccio place-based e rafforzamento delle capacità amministrative della classe politico-amministrativa locale, con particolare riferimento alla politica di coesione, alla smart-specialisation, alla politica per lo sviluppo sostenibile, alla politica per la lotta al cambiamento climatico, all’attuazione dell’Agenda urbana dell’UE e dell’Agenda 2030 per lo Sviluppo Sostenibile nei contesti locali;
- Gli studi urbani: analisi delle politiche delle città, soprattutto in prospettiva comparata, con particolare riguardo a questioni quali l’ambiente, il trasporto pubblico, la mobilità sostenibile, l’accoglienza e l’integrazione dei migranti, le politiche abitative, il gioco d’azzardo, il welfare locale, l’istruzione, la riduzione delle disuguaglianze e della polarizzazione sociale nei contesti urbani, l’integrazione urbano-rurale, lo sviluppo del territorio e l’urbanistica.
 

Panel 8.1 Democracy, Territory and Ecological Transition - Democrazia, territorio e transizione ecologica


The panel welcomes papers that focus on the relationship between territorial development and democracy, with particular regard to the theme of ecological transition.
Rethinking development policies with an integrated, territorial and sustainable approach, able to overcome the sectoral vision typical of the Fordist model of development, requires the ability to rethink the analytical categories and the approaches with which these evolutionary processes are read and analyzed, overcoming rigid disciplinary barriers. We believe, in fact, that the unprecedented challenges that democratic political systems are subjected to today invite us to adopt research perspectives capable of producing cross-fertilization between the different disciplinary fields and to travel through the constellations of knowledge.
A territorial approach can undoubtedly favor an integrated and intersectoral vision of development policies, of particular importance in the era of ecological transition, in which participatory processes capable of generating "anti-fragile" communities can contribute to redefining the political agenda, putting the well-being and quality of life at the center of attention, starting with the quality of collective goods and services for local development.
At the same time, a territorial approach can help to highlight the role of long-term fractures in the structuring of civil society and party systems, to analyze the dynamics that have led, in different contexts, to the emergence of movements and anti-establishment and protesting parties of neo-liberal globalization, to reconstruct the changes related to the processes of mobilization and active citizenship. Phenomena such as the Covid-19 pandemic and the outbreak of war on the eastern borders of Europe also lead us to consider with the utmost attention the central role of statehood, not only as a military power and as a protective shield for citizens, but also as a constructor (under the symbolic and physical profile) of the territories.

Democrazia, territorio e transizione ecologica.
Il panel accoglie paper che mettano a fuoco la relazione tra sviluppo territoriale e democrazia, con particolare riguardo al tema della transizione ecologica.
Ripensare le politiche di sviluppo con un approccio integrato, territoriale e sostenibile, in grado di superare la visione settoriale tipica del modello fordista di sviluppo, richiede la capacità di ripensare anche alle categorie analitiche e agli approcci con cui questi processi evolutivi vengono letti e analizzati, superando rigide barriere disciplinari. Siamo convinti, infatti, che le sfide inedite cui sono sottoposti oggi i sistemi politici democratici invitino ad adottare prospettive di ricerca in grado di produrre fertilizzazioni incrociate fra i diversi ambiti disciplinari e di viaggiare attraverso le costellazioni del sapere.
Un approccio territoriale può senz’altro favorire una visione integrata e intersettoriale delle politiche di sviluppo, di particolare importanza nell’epoca della transizione ecologica, in cui i processi partecipativi in grado di generare comunità “antifragili” possono contribuire a ridefinire l’agenda politica, mettendo al centro dell’attenzione il benessere e la qualità della vita, a partire dalla qualità dei beni e servizi collettivi per lo sviluppo locale.
Nello stesso tempo, un approccio territoriale può aiutare a mettere in luce il ruolo delle linee di frattura di lungo periodo nella strutturazione della società civile e dei sistemi di partito, ad analizzare le dinamiche che hanno condotto, nei diversi contesti, all’insorgenze di movimenti e partiti anti-establishment e di contestazione della globalizzazione neo-liberista, di ricostruire i mutamenti relativi ai processi di mobilitazione e cittadinanza attiva. Fenomeni quali la pandemia Covid-19 e lo scoppio della guerra ai confini orientali dell'Europa inducono altresì a considerare con la massima attenzione il ruolo centrale della statualità, non solo quale potenza militare e quale scudo protettivo per i cittadini, bensì anche quale costruttore (sotto il profilo simbolico e fisico) dei territori.

Chairs: Marco Almagisti, Patrizia Messina

Discussants: Luca Verzichelli, Damiano Palano

Due costanti in un oceano di variabili: la polarizzazione e il cleavage In/Out. Verso un nuovo allineamento ideologico?
Luigi Di Gregorio, Marco Almagisti
Abstract
La politica contemporanea sembra caratterizzata da tante variabili e pochissime costanti. L’era esponenziale (Azhar, 2021), con le sue innovazioni tecnologiche che procedono a un ritmo senza precedenti contribuisce pesantemente ad alimentare la società del disordine (Taleb, 2012) e impone alla politica democratica una postura market oriented (Lees-Marshment, 2014), tipica da campagna permanente (Blumenthal, 1980). L’opinione pubblica diventa sempre più un mercato da inseguire in tempo reale per un riposizionamento continuo di leader e partiti, a colpi di fast politics, effetti annuncio, incoerenze; volatilità e riallineamento degli elettori e cicli di leadership sempre più brevi (Di Gregorio, 2021) aprono scenari da cerimonia cannibale (Salmon, 2014) per la classe politica di numerose democrazie occidentali. Tuttavia, in questo oceano di disordine e volatilità, esistono due tendenze costanti, balzate agli onori della cronaca e all’attenzione di tutti gli osservatori nel 2016, dopo il referendum britannico sulla permanenza nell’Ue e dopo l’elezione di Trump a presidente degli Stati Uniti (anche se si tratta di due tendenze iniziate molto prima). La prima è la polarizzazione ideologica e/o affettiva (Sunstein, 2018; Pew Research Institute, 2014; Iyengar, Sood e Lelkes, 2012;). In particolare negli Stati Uniti, ma con una tendenza convergente in diverse democrazie occidentali, gli elettori di destra e di sinistra – specie quelli più identificati, il cui numero tende a crescere – sono su posizioni sempre più distanti. Il sistema ibrido dei media (Chadwick, 2013) e in particolare le piattaforme dei social network sono state immediatamente chiamate in causa per via del fenomeno della bolla dei filtri (Pariser, 2011) e delle echo chambers che producono un’esposizione selettiva e “gruppista” alle informazioni. Le ultime ricerche, tuttavia, complicano il quadro: la polarizzazione c’è e cresce, ma non sembra derivare ma l’esposizione ai punti di vista altrui sui social network non sembra minore che nella vita off line o sugli altri mass media (Vaccari e Valeriani, 2022; Barberà, Jost et al., 2015; Bakshy, Messing e Adamic, 2015). Per tale ragione si è ipotizzata una polarizzazione “specifica”, definita affettiva o psicologica (Settle, 2018) generata dai cosiddetti legami deboli sui social network. La seconda tendenza stabile contemporanea ha a che fare con la cesura fra voto urbano e voto periferico (Emanuele, Marino e Angelucci, 2020; Hutter e Kriesi, 2019; De Vries, 2018; Strijbis, Helmer e De Wilde, 2020), che ha recentemente fatto rievocare – a nostro avviso erroneamente – la linea di frattura città-campagna individuata da Stein Rokkan (Lipset and Rokkan, 1967). Queste due tendenze – tra loro collegate – stanno dando forma a un nuovo cleavage motivato da fattori di diversa natura: tecnologici, economici (Gethin, Martinez-Toledano e Piketty, 2021), ma soprattutto culturali (Inglehart e Norris, 2019) e psico-sociali (Di Gregorio, 2021) che saranno esposti nel paper. Se questa linea di frattura – denominata In/Out – dovesse continuare a consolidarsi, potrebbe condurre a un tipo di narrazione politica più coerente a destra e a sinistra e – nel medio periodo – potrebbe generare una nuova stabilità nei sistemi partitici occidentali. Se tuttavia dovesse anche continuare ad accompagnarsi a una polarizzazione “severa”, potrebbe recare con sé i rischi di una nuova fase ideologica, con una doppia possibilità di deriva illiberale, a destra come a sinistra.
Nordest e Nord Ovest a confronto: la questione settentrionale analizzata sotto la lente della competizione politica.
Matteo Zanellato
Abstract
A trent’anni dall’inizio della fine della cosiddetta prima Repubblica lo studio della competizione politica nelle regioni settentrionali merita un’analisi approfondita in quanto proprio in questo territorio vasto e disomogeneo erano partiti i primi segnali di crisi di un sistema politico. La mia domanda di ricerca si concentra sulle trasformazioni dei partiti di riferimento nelle regioni a statuto ordinario (Lombardia, Liguria, Piemonte e Veneto) e specialmente sulle trasformazioni della Lega: la trasformazione della Lega in partito nazionale è riuscita anche nell’Italia settentrionale o ha incontrato delle difficoltà a causa di culture plurisecolari che si intersecano alla non ancora risolta questione settentrionale? L’ipotesi di questo articolo è che in Veneto la Lega non abbia compiuto completamente la trasformazione in senso nazionale e nazionalista perseguita dal segretario Matteo Salvini, in quanto il forte consenso di Luca Zaia si basa sul localismo antistatalista quale cultura politica di lungo periodo rappresentata da prima dalla Democrazia Cristiana e successivamente dalla Lega Nord all’interno del centrodestra. Allo stesso modo, nel Nord Ovest, la trasformazione si è inceppata quando la questione settentrionale è riesplosa a causa della crisi da Covid-19 e dalla guerra in Ucraina. Il risultato della nostra analisi è che la trasformazione della Lega in partito nazionale è stata bilanciata dalle leadership regionali soprattutto in Veneto perché hanno potuto incapsulare le linee di frattura centro/periferia al di fuori del partito ufficiale. Se questo ha consentito alle due diverse anime del leghismo di far crescere il consenso complessivo del centrodestra ad un livello molto elevato, Gli obiettivi che mi sono prefissato sono a) ricostruire i tratti di fondo delle culture politiche locali attraverso un percorso di politologia storica ed esaminare il risultato delle elezioni nelle quattro regioni a statuto ordinario attraverso un’analisi diacronica di elezioni disomogenee; b) ricostruire le radici della differenza tra la Lega Lombarda e quella veneta rispetto alla Lega nazionale di Matteo Salvini. Nel primo paragrafo presenteremo la metodologia; nel secondo paragrafo ricostruirò il contesto delle subculture locali; nel terzo analizzerò i risultati delle elezioni per la Camera dei Deputati, per il Consiglio regionale e per il Parlamento europeo nelle quattro regioni a statuto ordinario; infine, nelle conclusioni risponderemo alla domanda di ricerca.
Quality of Government and Environmental Wellbeing across European Regions
Andrea Vaccaro, Chiara Gigliarano, Carlotta Montorsi
Abstract
Conventional wisdom holds that well-functioning state institutions play a key role for improving sustainable wellbeing. Hence, building effective institutions, or quality of government, is one of the global targets of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. While empirical evidence indicates that quality of government is indeed crucial for social and economic wellbeing, studies on the environmental impact of effective institutions are scarce and inconclusive. Yet considering the increasingly severe environmental threats faced by humanity, understanding whether quality of government is associated with environmental wellbeing should be of primary importance for both researchers and policymakers. Besides shedding light on the somewhat neglected institutions-environment nexus, our study further addresses three major gaps in the literature. First, instead of focusing on the country level like most studies on the topic have done, we analyse the relationship between quality of government and environmental wellbeing at the sub-national level. Second, instead of focusing on a specific aspect of environmental wellbeing such as air pollution, we argue that environmental wellbeing is a multidimensional concept, and thus, distinguish between different spheres of environmental sustainability. Third, relatedly, we take a Bayesian approach to indicator construction and develop a composite index of environmental wellbeing that takes into account spatial correlation in European regions. By developing a multidimensional set of measures of environmental wellbeing, the study at hand then investigates the relationship between quality of government and the environment across European regions at the NUTS 2 level. Our findings show persuasively that institutional quality is in general an important and positive determinant of environmental wellbeing in Europe at the sub-national level, although we find also that the institutions-environment nexus depends largely on the sphere of environmental wellbeing. European policymakers should be aware that climate change and environmental destruction can be tackled by building more effective regional institutions.
Regional political systems in Italy: a story of increasing instability
Gaia Matilde Ripamonti
Abstract
Regional political systems in Italy: a story of increasing instability Gaia Matilde Ripamonti – University of Perugia gaiamatilder@gmail.com Even before the pandemic crisis, Italian regions have been recognized as important political actors in the political arena by political institutions at different levels as well as by public opinion. After a period of re-centralization of policy making during the economic crisis of 2008, three Italian regions (Lombardy, Veneto, and Emilia-Romagna) requested more autonomy in central policy sectors from the national government in 2017; soon, most of the Italian territories followed their example, although they do not have presented official requests to the central government yet. The pandemic abrupted in the middle of these processes. As the Covid-19 crisis has been first and foremost a health crisis, regions have been on the frontline in dealing with the emergency because of their powers in health policy: they have been getting attention because of their response to the pandemic and the strategic behaviour of their political leaders, that exploited the crisis to acquire consensus among the population vis-à-vis political opponents at regional and national level. The events of the latest years shed a light on the politics at regional level and may have changed the balance of power within the known multilevel dynamics; for this reason, it is necessary to better understand the characteristics of regional political systems. The empowerment of regions goes well beyond what happened from 2020 onwards. After their institution in 1970, the region-building dynamics of the 1980s and 1990s allowed regions to acquire and affirm their personal identities within the political arena (Ferrera, 2008), a process favoured, among other factors, by the Europeanization and the political instability following “Tangentopoli” scandal. Regions’ rise to success is clearly exemplified by the constitutional reform of 2001, thanks to which the subnational governments acquired important powers in a wide range of policy fields, especially in those connected to welfare. Consequently, their political status has been changing too: regional elections moved from being considered as uninfluential second-order elections to midterms elections, a testing ground for national government’s survival (Bolgherini and Grimaldi, 2015; Chiaramonte and Tarli Barbieri, 2007). With regards to the study of regional political systems, the academic literature mostly focused on the transformations of the party system from the so-called First Republic to the Second Republic and on electoral appointments’ results. Among others, the first strand of literature is well represented by the works of Diamanti (2009), Floridia (2010), Caciagli (2011) and recently Pizzimenti and Bardi (2020), that investigated the evolution of parties’ identities and values at regional level. The second strand, on the other hand, focused on the transformation of regional politics in the light of regional elections’ results (Tentoni, 2020; Pellegrino, 2019; Cataldi and Emanuele, 2019; Bolgherini and Grimaldi, 2015; Chiaramonte and Tarli Barbieri, 2007; Chiaramonte and Di Virgilio, 2000). All these works are essential to understand the evolution of single regional trajectories; however, a gap in the literature seems to arise with regards to the retracing of regional political systems’ characteristics in the long run. In this regard, Vassallo and Baldini (2000) and Tronconi (2013) provided useful analysis; however, as theirs works were both published in the first decade of the new millennium, they miss to examine what happened in regional systems after the emergence of a third pole in the political competition, i.e. the Five-Stars Movement (M5s). The aim of this work is to fill this gap with regards to the study of Italian regional political systems. Following the work of Vassallo and Baldini (2000) and Tronconi (2013), we propose an analysis of the stability/instability (Bartolini, 1996; Battegazorre, 1987; Novelli, 1981; Pappalardo, 1976; Morlino, 1973) of regional systems from 1970 to 2020. The research tries to contribute to the existing literature with an empirical and theoretical “update”: from the one side, it will consider what happened after the climb into the political arena of the M5s in 2015; on the other side, it will adopt new tools and adapt past concepts moving from a two-parties to a three-parties analysis in the 2015-2020 period. Considering the last 50 years of regions’ political history, we expect to find an increasing instability in all subnational systems that would affect not only the notoriously instable regions of the Peninsula, but also those that have always been considered as stable – e.g. the traditionally left-wing territories and/or Veneto. The analysis will cover three different periods: the First Republic (1970-1990); the “bipolar” Second Republic (1995-2010); the “tripolar” Second Republic (2013-2020). Electoral data on regional, national, and European elections from the Italian Ministry of Interior will be used. For each period, regions will be classified on the basis of a score deriving from main coalitions’ alternation in power and electoral results, parties’ electoral distance and invulnerability. The classification distinguishes between five different areas, partially based on the ones identified by Tronconi (2013), in order to understand regions’ instability among the three periods: i) area of competitiveness, characterized by frequent alternations in government and poor security of majorities in being re-elected due to a very open electoral competition; ii) area of instability, in which the difference between the main coalitions is not broad enough to offer certainty about a re-election; iii) area of stability, in which the majorities in power are more confident about a re-election; iv) area of political affiliation, in which the difference with the previous area lies mainly in the clear belonging of the region to a political party; v) regionalist area, characterised by an “Alpine” political culture (Vampa, 2016) in which regionalist parties are usually in power. The results of the analysis will be connected to some of the phenomenon observed in the past literature. The increasing instability of Italian regions can be understood as an effect of the transformations of the political system (the climbing of personal parties in the 1990s and of the M5s in 2015) and of the values promoted by parties: with respect to the first element, one can argue that the changes in the electoral competition had an effect in the already instable regions as well as in the most stable ones in the long term, even if in a less extent; with regards to the second element, the increasing distance between territory and politics, well exemplified by the Lega’s evolution, could partially explain the greater instability that has been affecting regional political systems. References Bartolini, S. (1996). Cosa è «competizione» politica e come va studiata. Rivista italiana di scienza politica, XXVI(2), 209-267. Battegazorre, F. (1987). L'instabilità di governo in Italia. Rivista italiana di scienza politica, XVII (2), 285-317. Bolgherini, S., and Grimaldi, S. (2015). La fine del bipolarismo regionale tra destrutturazione e diversificazione. In S. Bolgherini and S. Grimaldi (eds.), Tripolarismo e destrutturazione. Le elezioni regionali del 2015 (pp. 9-41). Bologna: Istituto Cattaneo. Caciagli, M. (2011). Subculture politiche territoriali o geografia elettorale? Società mutamento politica, 2(3), 95-104. Chiaramonte, A., and Tarli Barbieri, G. (2007). Riforme istituzionali e rappresentanza politica nelle regioni italiane. Bologna, Il Mulino. Chiaramonte, A., and Di Virgilio, A. (2000). Le elezioni regionali del 2000: la frammentazione si consolida, le alleanze si assestano. Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, 30(3), 513-552. Cataldi, M., and Emanuele, V. (2019). Voto sul territorio e competizione nei collegi: una geografia elettorale rivoluzionata. In A. Chiaramonte and L. De Sio (eds.), Il voto del cambiamento. Le elezioni politiche del 2018 (pp. 127-150). Bologna: Il Mulino. Diamanti, I. (2009). Mappe dell'Italia politica. Bianco, rosso, verde, azzurro… e tricolore. Bologna: Il Mulino. Ferrera, M. (2008). Dal welfare state alle welfare regions: la riconfigurazione spaziale della protezione sociale in Europa. Rivista delle Politiche Sociali, 3, 17-49. Floridia, A. (2010 September). Le subculture politiche territoriali: tramonto, sopravvivenza, o trasformazione? Note e riflessioni sul caso della Toscana. “XXIV Convegno SISP”, Venice. Available at https://www.sisp.it/files/papers/2010/antonio-floridia-565.pdf Morlino, L. (1973). Stabilita, legittimità e efficacia decisionale nei sistemi democratici. Rivista italiana di scienza politica, III(2), 247-316. Novelli, S.R. (1981). Elezioni, stabilità e sistema politico in Italia. Studi di Sociologia, 19(2), 189-221. Pappalardo, A. (1976). Requisiti per la stabilità delle coalizioni. Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, VI(1), 41-70. Pellegrino, D. (2020). Dal congelamento al cambiamento della geografia elettorale in Emilia-Romagna. In M. Valbruzzi (ed.), Allerta rossa per l’onda verde (pp. 57-78). Bologna: Istituto Cattaneo. Pizzimenti, E., and Bardi, L. (2020). Perchè falliscono i partiti? Rome: Carocci editore. Tentoni, L. (2020). Le elezioni regionali in Italia Bologna: Il Mulino. Tronconi, F. (2013). Struttura della competizione politica. In S. Vassallo (ed.), Il divario incolmabile (pp. 63-88). Bologna: Il Mulino. Vampa, D. (2016). The regional politics of welfare in Italy, Spain and Great Britain. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Vassallo, S., and Baldini, G. (2001). Sistemi di partito, forma di governo e politica di coalizione nelle Regioni italiane. Le istituzioni del federalismo, 3-4, 533-572.
 

Round table

Panel 8.2 Metropolitan cities and the NRRP: challenges and critical issues - Le Città metropolitane e il PNRR: sfide e nodi critici


Il Piano Nazionale di Ripresa e Resilienza (PNRR) riconosce alle Città Metropolitane (CM) un ruolo strategico nelle politiche di rigenerazione urbana. In particolare, le CM sono l’unico soggetto destinatario dell’intervento “Piani Urbani Integrati” (linea progettuale M5C2 – Investimento 2.2, per complessivi 2,94 miliardi di euro) volto a promuovere l’elaborazione di nuovi piani urbanistici partecipati per la riqualificazione e rivitalizzazione economica delle periferie urbane degradate, colmando deficit infrastrutturali e di sviluppo anche attraverso il potenziamento di servizi sociali e culturali.
Il PNRR offre dunque alle CM la possibilità di cogliere una sfida importante, quella di giocare pienamente la propria mission istituzionale, prospettata fin dalla loro nascita (l. 56/2014): operare come enti innovativi di pianificazione strategica a sostegno dello sviluppo dei territori urbani ed extraurbani attraverso una governance partecipata e integrata, assicurando cioè il coinvolgimento degli attori economici e sociali e la cooperazione fra i comuni che compongono l’area metropolitana.
Scopo della Tavola Rotonda è sviluppare una riflessione su questo tema, cercando di rispondere ai seguenti quesiti. Le CM stanno rispondendo alla sfida del PNRR con particolare riferimento alle politiche di rigenerazione urbana? Hanno assunto un ruolo progettuale innovativo e autonomo rispetto ai comuni dell’area metropolitana? In senso più generale, sono enti capaci di una pianificazione strategica, partecipata e cooperativa? Quali nodi critici gravano sul pieno dispiegamento del loro potenziale strategico e istituzionale?
Per analizzare e approfondire questi aspetti verranno invitati a partecipare alla Tavola Rotonda sia studiosi che practitioner esperti, nell’intento, da un lato, di delineare il contributo e le potenzialità delle CM alla realizzazione del PNRR, tenendo anche presente il divario Nord-Sud che caratterizza le politiche di sviluppo in Italia; dall’altro, di riflettere complessivamente sulle criticità delle CM che, pur essendo state istituite nel 2014, faticano ancora a trovare una propria identità istituzionale fra gli enti di governo locale.

Interverranno:
Dott. Massimo Allulli (Ufficio studi ANCI)
Dott. Giorgio Martini (Agenzia nazionale di Coesione)
Prof. Martino Mazzoleni (Università cattolica di Milano)
Prof. Gianfranco Viesti (Università di Bari)

Chairs: Brunetta Baldi

 

Panel 8.3 Identità nazionali/regionali e processi indipendentisti e regionalisti – National/Regional Identities and Pro-independence and Regionalist Processes (I)


English version below
L’emergere di fenomeni quali i sovranismi, l’esperienza della Brexit, lagestione politica della recente pandemia da Covid-19 e l’attuale guerra in Ucraina hanno riattivato tendenze di cambiamento più o meno radicale di polity provenienti da svariate regioni europee. Non solo tale richiesta si sperimenta nella rivendicazione per molte regioni di gradi sempre crescenti di autonomia, ma talvolta si rafforzano le proposte di vera e propria indipendenza. Tuttavia, la ripresa del richiamo“territoriale” in politica non ha solamente assunto, in questi ultimi decenni, una mera declinazione in termini di policy-making. Sempre più spesso, infatti, ad accompagnare questi fenomeni vi sono solide basi identitarie.Che l'identitàterritoriale, ovvero il connubio tra popolo e sovranità giuridico-politica, venga intesa in una posizione centrale (ovvero, propria dei classici Stati-nazione) o periferica/decentrata (ovvero, in chiave autonomista/indipendentista), tale tema non è ancora oggetto sistematico di studi approfonditi. Eppure, l’importanza del “mythomoteur” come descritto da Smith nel 1982e rappresentato dall’identità, -concepita come un insieme di disposizioni strutturali e strutturanti attorno ad una collettività fondata attraverso l’individuazione di popolo, etnia, regione, nazione-,è un formidabile attivatore politico. Questo panel vuole interrogarsi su cosa siano le identità territoriali e le loro espressioni in politica, su quale ruolo abbiano nelle ri-attivazioni di processi di mobilitazione politica regionalista/autonomista/indipendentista e su come debbano e possano essere studiate. Sono benvenuti studi teorici ed empirici, siain chiave comparatache su più versanti disciplinari - oltre a quelli più squisitamente politologici – che si interroghino sul rapporto tra identità territoriali e processi di rivendicazione di polity a livello locale. I paper accettati possono essere scritti e discussi in italiano, inglese, francese e spagnolo.

Emerging phenomena expressing sovereignism such as Brexit, the political management of the recent Covid-19 pandemic and the ongoing war in Ukraine have revealed trends of radical change in various European regions impacting the nation-state polity-model. Not only have sovereigntist claims been expressed by many regions seeking autonomy, but claims for full independence have also increased. Nevertheless, the "territorial" appeal in politics is not new, since it has been assumed, in recent decades, in terms of policy-making. Sovereigntist stances moreover increasingly accompany identity-based political phenomena and policy-making. Territorial identity, i.e., the union between a determined people and juridic-political sovereignty, occupies a central position, either in the classic nation-state model or in peripheral/decentralized (autonomist/pro-independence political projects). This topic has yet to receive in-depth systematic attention in political and social sciences. The "mythomoteur" of territorial identity, as described by Smith (1982), conceived as an important set of structural and structuring dispositions, enables tobetter understand the construction of a political community through the identification of people, ethnicity, region and nation.
This panel seeks to delineate and analyse territorial identities and their political expressions as well as the role they play in the re-activation of regionalist/autonomist/independentist mobilization processes. It offers to engage theoretical and empirical studies, both from a comparative perspective and from an interdisciplinary one, alongside political science scholarship. In the attempt to investigate the relationship between territorial identities and local polity claims processes, the panel accepts papers written and discussed in Italian, English, French and Spanish.

Chairs: Alon Helled, Carlo Pala

Discussants: Michel Huysseune

Can Nationalism be Green?
Daniele Conversi
Abstract
As recognised by the majority of scholars dealing with the topic, nationalism remains the dominant principle, worldview, ideology and tool of political legitimacy informing political action within, and between, states. We have thus to question whether developing a climate agenda in the framework of the undelayable ecological transition may be feasible within this nationalist worldview. The paper begins by observing the initial incompatibility between climate action and nationalism. Subsequently, it observes its increasing salience in the settings, narratives and agendas of specific nationalist movements, with the use of electoral campaigns data supported by recent historical research. The paper discuss whether, at various levels, climate activists may need to articulate their message within a nationalist narrative and in a language accessible to nationalists - sharing, for instance, their alleged intergenerational vocation. The paper concludes by questioning whether nationalism can be considered a reliable ally in the transition to fully sustainable societies and suggesting alternative routes of research.
The (im)pertinence of history. Nation-building and History: A Comparison Between Flanders and Padania
Michel Huysseune
Abstract
Flanders and Northern Italy have several features in common. They both are the economic motor of their country, and they have experienced (northern Italy mainly in the 1990s, Flanders after 2000) a pro-independence drive, sustained by an identity discourse affirming the (firstly economic) excellence of the region. Both regions also have in common that, contrary to many other minorities in Europe, their territory does not correspond with a particular historical entity. In this paper, I will compare up to which point the respective nation-building discourses embed their discourses on regional economic excellence within a historical narrative. In Flanders, there is a tension between the articulation of an economic success story in which history is marginalized and the historical heritage of the Flemish movement itself. In Northern Italy, in order to legitimize its Padanian nation-building discourse, the Lega developed a historical narrative essentializing the difference between the north and the rest of Italy. To interpret these very different uses of history, I will contextualize them both within the respective evolution of national and subnational historical narratives and within the specific political and ideological logic of the actors involved.
Mobiliser la langue pour faire entendre la périphérie: une étude comparée des mouvements nationalitaires bretons et sorabes.
Jeanne Toutous
Abstract
Alors que les demandes d'autonomie institutionnelle se banalisent aujourd'hui, certains régionalismes périphériques en Europe semblent marqués par une apparente inertie et par la persistance de processus d'évitement du politique (Eliasoph, 1998), à l'image de la minorité sorabe de Lusace en Allemagne. D'autres mouvements nationalitaires sont au contraire actifs en matière de participation politique conventionnelle et non-conventionnelle au moment de la mise en oeuvre de politiques de restrictions sanitaires dans les territoires européens. On peut penser au cas de la Bretagne, dont l'actualité de mobilisation est fournie tout au long de l'année 2021, en réaction notamment à la censure partielle d'une loi supposée sécuriser l'enseignement immersif en langue régionale: la "loi Molac" du 21 mai 2021. Notre communication abordera les dynamiques de participation politique des mouvements régionalistes nationalitaires à l'étude plus resserrée des revendications linguistiques et de leur territorialisation, le territoire et la langue présentant l'intérêt de constituer des "fictions utiles" (Haugen, 1972 : 325) des régionalismes. La mobilisation d'un dispositif comparatif nous permettra de dénaturaliser les comportements politiques des militants nationalitaires, saisissant alors ces derniers dans une approche processuelle. Nous nous intéresserons ainsi aux répertoires d'action des militants des langues régionales et minoritaires en Bretagne et en Lusace. Les régionalismes sorabes et bretons n'ont été que très marginalement comparés dans la littérature (Do?owy-Rybi?ska, 2017, Toutous, 2021) alors même que la comparaison entre régionalismes d'Europe de l'Ouest et d'Europe de l'Est a prouvé ses bienfaits heuristiques (Pasquier, 2021a). Ainsi, la différence des traditions d’État (Sonntag & Cardinal, 2015) françaises et (est-) allemandes contribue par exemple au façonnage des répertoires de la protestation périphérique sur le long terme. La Bretagne et la Lusace sont en outre similaires de par leur subdivision linguistique et territoriale (Haute-Bretagne et Basse-Bretagne, Haute-Lusace et Basse-Lusace étant historiquement érigées comme des isoglosses difficilement dépassables). Nous nous intéresserons ainsi aux manières multiples et inégalement politisées dont les militants des langues traditionnelles de Bretagne et de Lusace investissent ces langues pour construire une territorialité alternative aux tracés des États-nation. En produisant des récits territoriaux hétérodoxes (Kernalegenn, 2011) plus ou moins à même d’être traduits dans les termes du « régionalisme » banal (Billig, 1995), les militants des mouvements d’action collective en faveur des langues régionales et minoritaires cherchent à redéfinir les termes du clivage rokkanien entre centre et périphérie. De la performativité sociale de ces récits découlerait alors la possibilité d’un empowerment institutionnel. Mais encore, cette entreprise prend des formes diverses selon les mouvements régionalistes à l’étude, ce que l’observation de deux cas régionaux permet de formuler. Tirée d’une thèse de doctorat en science politique, notre enquête s’appuie sur des entretiens semi-directifs avec des militants des actions collectives linguistiques bretonnes et sorabes ainsi que sur des observations ethnographiques réalisées en Lusace et en Bretagne entre 2017 et 2021.
Identità regionale istriana
Tatjana Tomai?
Abstract
L'Istria, una delle regioni croate, è un'area specifica in cui da molti anni la leadership politica è rappresentata dal partito regionale IDS-DDI (Istarski Demokratski Sabor-Dieta Democratica Istriana). Processi di mobilitazione politica regionalista hanno construito identità regionale, che si presume sia connessa con l'identificazione degli elettori con il partito regionale che è anche il risultato di frequenti mutamenti storici nel territorio, dove l'unica costante stabile e riconoscibile è rimasto un senso di appatrenenza al territorio locale. Questo fenomeno della complessità del patrimonio dell'Istria come area di confine è segnato dal partito politico regionale che ha svolto un ruolo dominante nella creazione e nel rafforzamento dell'identità regionale. La ricerca analizza il processo di deformazione dell'identità nazionale in regionale così come la trasformazione del concetto di regionalismo, regione istriana, identità regionale istriana.
 

Panel 8.3 Identità nazionali/regionali e processi indipendentisti e regionalisti – National/Regional Identities and Pro-independence and Regionalist Processes (II)


English version below
L’emergere di fenomeni quali i sovranismi, l’esperienza della Brexit, lagestione politica della recente pandemia da Covid-19 e l’attuale guerra in Ucraina hanno riattivato tendenze di cambiamento più o meno radicale di polity provenienti da svariate regioni europee. Non solo tale richiesta si sperimenta nella rivendicazione per molte regioni di gradi sempre crescenti di autonomia, ma talvolta si rafforzano le proposte di vera e propria indipendenza. Tuttavia, la ripresa del richiamo“territoriale” in politica non ha solamente assunto, in questi ultimi decenni, una mera declinazione in termini di policy-making. Sempre più spesso, infatti, ad accompagnare questi fenomeni vi sono solide basi identitarie.Che l'identitàterritoriale, ovvero il connubio tra popolo e sovranità giuridico-politica, venga intesa in una posizione centrale (ovvero, propria dei classici Stati-nazione) o periferica/decentrata (ovvero, in chiave autonomista/indipendentista), tale tema non è ancora oggetto sistematico di studi approfonditi. Eppure, l’importanza del “mythomoteur” come descritto da Smith nel 1982e rappresentato dall’identità, -concepita come un insieme di disposizioni strutturali e strutturanti attorno ad una collettività fondata attraverso l’individuazione di popolo, etnia, regione, nazione-,è un formidabile attivatore politico. Questo panel vuole interrogarsi su cosa siano le identità territoriali e le loro espressioni in politica, su quale ruolo abbiano nelle ri-attivazioni di processi di mobilitazione politica regionalista/autonomista/indipendentista e su come debbano e possano essere studiate. Sono benvenuti studi teorici ed empirici, siain chiave comparatache su più versanti disciplinari - oltre a quelli più squisitamente politologici – che si interroghino sul rapporto tra identità territoriali e processi di rivendicazione di polity a livello locale. I paper accettati possono essere scritti e discussi in italiano, inglese, francese e spagnolo.

Emerging phenomena expressing sovereignism such as Brexit, the political management of the recent Covid-19 pandemic and the ongoing war in Ukraine have revealed trends of radical change in various European regions impacting the nation-state polity-model. Not only have sovereigntist claims been expressed by many regions seeking autonomy, but claims for full independence have also increased. Nevertheless, the "territorial" appeal in politics is not new, since it has been assumed, in recent decades, in terms of policy-making. Sovereigntist stances moreover increasingly accompany identity-based political phenomena and policy-making. Territorial identity, i.e., the union between a determined people and juridic-political sovereignty, occupies a central position, either in the classic nation-state model or in peripheral/decentralized (autonomist/pro-independence political projects). This topic has yet to receive in-depth systematic attention in political and social sciences. The "mythomoteur" of territorial identity, as described by Smith (1982), conceived as an important set of structural and structuring dispositions, enables tobetter understand the construction of a political community through the identification of people, ethnicity, region and nation.
This panel seeks to delineate and analyse territorial identities and their political expressions as well as the role they play in the re-activation of regionalist/autonomist/independentist mobilization processes. It offers to engage theoretical and empirical studies, both from a comparative perspective and from an interdisciplinary one, alongside political science scholarship. In the attempt to investigate the relationship between territorial identities and local polity claims processes, the panel accepts papers written and discussed in Italian, English, French and Spanish.

Chairs: Alon Helled, Carlo Pala

Discussants: Michel Huysseune

Deindustrialization, Place-based Community Identity and Far-right Voting in Europe
Giuseppe Ciccolini
Abstract
A growing body of evidence highlights that the drawbacks of the post-industrial transition in Europe affect electoral behaviour. Namely, globalization (i.e. trade exposure) and technological change (i.e. robotization) are found to spur voting for the populist radical right, voting for Brexit, voting for Donald Trump (Guriev and Papaioannou 2020; Walter 2021). voters in areas affected by economic downturn react in such way still remains puzzling. A clear consequence of these phenomena is job destruction: exposure to trade and robotizaton increases mass layoffs – and job loss more generally. However, the path from economic change to radical right voting through job loss is not straightforward. In this respect, causal evidence on a relation between job loss and radical right voting is weak at best (Gidron and Mijs 2019; Margalit 2013). Therefore, scholars increasingly favour interpretations that combine economic arguments with cultural ones (Gidron and Hall 2017). Ethnographic evidence, especially from the American setting, shows that regional economic decline is especially harmful in presence of place-based community identity (Cramer 2016; Hochschild 2016). By the latter, we mean a particular combination of social capital and parochialism. Hence, regional economic downturns harm most its members if the latter tend to identify with the place and the local community they belong to (Cramer 2012). Three main explanations may account for the catalysing role of place-based community identity. Firstly, co-residents’ financial suffering is felt as damage to the community as a whole . Secondly, collective decline threatens residents’ sense of pride of living in a certain place. Third, relocation and depopulation – which are clear consequences of regional deindustrialization (Gathmann, Helm, and Schönberg 2020) – represent a further painful perspective (Herold and Otteni n.d.), as they entail community disaggregation and the emptying of local identity (Retière 2003). Therefore, economic decline in these special contexts is likely to favour the emergence of ingroup-outgroup boundaries – or the strengthening of pre-existing ones – and to reinforce status recognition claims. In turn, these factors can also be mobilized by political actors, namely those championing nativism (and authoritarianism) on the one hand, and conservatism on the other. Ultimately, they also reinforce the regional cleavage and engender a self-reproducing dynamic: while down-to-earth parochials are likely to stay and vote against change, cosmopolitans are likely to emigrate, which further reinforces the territorial divide and its corresponding grievances (Guilluy 2016). Quantitative evidence on this topic is promising, although limited. With the sole exception of Fitzgerald and Lawrence (2011), scholars have separately studied the moderating role of either of the two components of place-based community identity: social capital (Colombo and Dinas 2021; Rodríguez-Pose, Lee, and Lipp 2020) and local identity (Ziblatt, Hilbig, and Bischof n.d.). Our aim is to complement this scholarship by considering these two dimensions jointly. Unfortunately, it is hard to correctly measure place-based community identity and, besides, to avoid post-treatment bias. For this reason, we resort to a unique historical shock that engendered a long-lasting place-based community identity: the experience of Italian free city-states (communes) in the Middle Ages. Communes were local political institutions autonomously created by a town’s inhabitance to ensure the common interest and provide mutual support. Centuries later, former communes feature both a stronger feeling of local identity (Lyttelton 1996) and higher levels of social capital (Cartocci 2007; Guiso, Sapienza, and Zingales 2016; Putnam 1993). This makes Italian medieval free city-states an appropriate case to test the moderating role of place-based community identity . We hypothesize that the effect of the drawbacks of postindunstrialism on radical right voting is more severe in former free city-states (compared to the rest of the country), because of their spread place-based community identity. Our definition and measurement of free city-states among the universe of Italian communes – around 8000 NUTS-3-level units – builds on Guiso et al. (2016) and Belloc et al. (2016). For the sake of simplicity, we focus on one major source of deindustrialization: exposure to international trade. Following Autor et al. (2013), we study local exposure to changes in Chinese trade import, based on the area-specific historical sectoral specialization. This approach relies upon the idea that the surge of China as a global manufacturer has uneven consequences across a country depending on the local economic fabric. We draw on administrative data from the Census of Industry and Services (CIS) carried out by Istat. This data source contains detailed geographical information about the distribution and size of firms and workers, and it has previously been used for similar research purposes (Caselli, Fracasso, and Traverso 2020a, 2020b). Information about China imports and the stock of operational robots come from the United Nations International Trade Statistics Database (Comtrade). Industrial sectors are coded at the NACE Rev 1 3-digit level. Our unit of analysis is local labour markets areas (LMA), as provided by the official statistics institute. They are based on commuting data, like Commuting Zones in the US (Tolbert and Sizer 1996). Their size is halfway between municipalities and “provinces” (NUTS-3 level). To address concerns about endogeneity bias, we instrument exposure to China imports in Italy using exposure to the same phenomenon in seven non-EU countries (Australia, Canada, Japan, Norway, USA, New Zealand and Korea), as it is customary (Autor, Dorn, and Hanson 2013; Caselli, Fracasso, and Traverso 2020b). The outcome of interest is electoral results in the 2018 Italian general election in each locality. Our classification of radical right parties follows the PopuList classification (Rooduijn et al. 2019), which is itself based on Mudde (2007) and following research. Accordingly, we classify the Northern League and Brothers of Italy as radical right parties. Official electoral results by commune are provided by the Italian Ministry of Internal Affairs. Preliminary analyses show that being a free-city state amplifies the effect of the penetration of China imports on far-right voting. Additionally, we complement this analysis by enlarging its geographic scope to the whole of Europe. This is meant to support the external validity of our findings. For this purpose, we construct a measure of place-based community identity using EVS data. To do so, we perform Principal Component Analysis on regional-level aggregate values of the two dimensions underpinning our latent concept: social capital and identification with the local community. The former is measured using an item capturing “networks of civic engagements” (Putnam 1993). The latter relies on an item measuring parochialism (Inglehart 1977). As earlier, we hypothesize that place-based community identity, measured in the said fashion, moderates the relation between regional economic decline and voting in Europe. Regions are measured at the NUTS-2 level. We assess the impact of regional trade exposure at both the aggregate and individual level, using CLEA and GED district-level official election results and ESS survey data. To do so, we draw on data from Colantone and Stanig (2018), itself based on a variety of European and national data sources.
Framing the turnout gap between municipal and national elections
Selena Grimaldi, Silvia Bolgherini, Aldo Paparo
Abstract
Political participation significantly transformed over the course of the decades, but it is a fact that voting – no matter how it is classified in the participation’s taxonomies - still remains a fundamental pillar of democratic life and one of the principal forms of political participation. Electoral turnout is a traditional topic in political science research, nevertheless there are currently very few cross-national systematic analyses of turnout in local elections. This is surprising especially because municipal turnout is often used as an indicator of strong or weak local identity. We address this topic in a new way by focusing especially on the gap between municipal and national electoral turnout. In particular, by relying on multi-level congruence (MLC) theory, we investigate the voting (in)congruence between the municipal elections and the national elections. The aim of the paper is to understand and describe the municipal turnout picture in Europe. In particular our research questions are the following: what is the turnout level in municipal and national elections? Which are the differences across countries? Which are the main trends across time? To answer these RQs we investigate 17 European democracies (4 central-eastern; 5 northern, 2 southern, 6 central-western democracies) with unitary, federal or regionalized systems and characterised by a lot of variance in terms of municipal size for a total of over 70,000 municipalities. We focus on a time frame which in most of the cases ranges from 2014 to 2020 by taking into account the most recent municipal election and the immediately former national one in each country. Data are collected by official ministerial websites. At this stage of research we rely on descriptive statistics for our analysis.
Pro-independence parties in interaction with movement organizations: the case of the 2014 Scottish referendum
Carla Mannino
Abstract
Literature has argued that the mobilisation around the referendum for independence in Scotland unfolded amidst a critical juncture (the Great Recession), as the result of a concatenation of three intertwined crises: territorial, democratic and socio-economic. The SNP and other pro-independence parties unexpectedly found themselves to be part of a broad and vibrant movement struggling for self-determination, democratic advance and social justice. However, the way these parties engaged with grassroots organizations and groups that popped up during the referendum campaign remains underexplored. This paper wants precisely to shed light on this aspect by analysing the links between pro-independence parties and grassroots actors in the run-up to the 2014 referendum. By looking at political parties in interaction with movement organizations, it therefore challenges the non-institutionalized vs. institutionalized divide thus contributing to unravel the complexity of new territorial developments in the Scottish case.
 

Panel 8.4 STREET-LEVEL BUREAUCRACY is coming back. Discretion, coping-mechanisms, and new managerialism to understand public services provision in Europe.


The Street-Level Bureaucracy (SLB) theoretical framework, introduced by Lipsky (1980) more than 40 years ago, has had considerable recognition from the scientific community, especially in the United States and in the UK. However, contributions in the field have also considerably increased in the EU countries and in particular in northern Europe, especially in the Netherlands (Barberis, Paraciani, Saruis 2019). In contrast, the adoption of the SLB theory in the Southern and Eastern EU countries is still scarce. Only in recent times the interest in the topic is rising in these contexts, such as in Greece (Exadaktylos et al. 2021; Witcher 2021), Italy (Barberis, Paraciani and Saruis 2019; Leonardi and Stefani 202; Dallara and Lacchei 2021; Raspanti and Saruis 2021) and Poland (Gajewska, K.2017; Klaus and Szulecka 2021).
Thus, this panel aims at gathering scholars that study public service delivery with the lens of the SLB theory in Europe. The Session’s contribution to the SLB theory is twofold. First, we want to understand SLB’s effectiveness in countries with very different characteristics from those in which SLB theory was born and developed. Indeed, context plays a crucial role, since various institutional and organisational settings (Jewell 2007) and different conceptions about citizenship, solidarity, and trust clearly affect service implementation (Rice 2017; Møller and Stensöta 2019).
Secondly, our goal is to set the scene for SLB theory in Europe developing new analytical tools relevant for the whole discipline. In the awareness that the state of knowledge on SLB is characterised by multiple diversity in terms of conceptualisations, research designs, epistemological positions and methods (Hupe, Hill and Buffet 2019), we would like to bring researchers working on SLB in Europe together with respect to their shared interest in studying the subject. Among others, we welcome papers that reflect on how discretion is used, street-level bureaucrats’ work context characteristics; the relationships between frontline workers and clients, as well as the impact of Street-level organizations in local policy implementation. Works comparing different local contexts, tasks, professionals or organisations are extremely welcomed.

Chairs: Cristina Dallara, Alice Lacchei

Discussants: Dario Raspanti

Margini di discrezionalità nel Reddito di Cittadinanza: fra capacità e volontà
Alessia Cambiano, Tommaso Frangioni
Abstract
Nel 2019 l’introduzione del Reddito di Cittadinanza ha segnato un punto di svolta nel sistema di presa in carico interno alle politiche di contrasto alla povertà in Italia. Per la prima volta, se si eccettua l’esperienza del Rei, la politica nazionale si è posta l’obiettivo di costruire uno strumento di reddito minimo in linea con le direttive europee. Questa misura si caratterizza per il suo ambito di applicazione nazionale, con procedure, strumenti, livelli di erogazione economica stabiliti a monte e validi in ogni territorio. Ciò ha determinato un evidente restringimento dei margini di discrezionalità operativa concessi agli operatori sociali per quanto riguarda il versante del beneficio conferito alle famiglie/individui nonché della strumentazione a loro disposizione (dai moduli da compilare alla piattaforma informatica, fino alla scansione delle fasi della presa in carico), ma - allo stesso tempo - ha previsto un ampio margine di manovra per quel che riguarda il contenuto della presa in carico stessa (modalità e forme dell’attivazione, ma anche i criteri di esonero). In questi termini, a fronte di una supposta riduzione della discrezionalità extra legem, vediamo un espandersi della discrezionalità intra legem (Evans e Harris 2004; Barberis, Paraciani e Saruis 2019). In questo contributo intendiamo focalizzare l’attenzione sulle rappresentazioni che gli operatori SL costruiscono rispetto ai percettori di RdC, sulla base del modo in cui leggono le loro traiettorie biografiche e lavorative e degli atteggiamenti osservati durante i colloqui. Ci sembra rilevante sottolineare il ruolo che queste rappresentazioni hanno in quanto parte di quel bagaglio cognitivo condiviso a cui gli operatori attingono per classificare l’utenza nel corso della presa in carico (Dubois 2014; Leonardi 2019). Il nostro contributo prende le mosse dal percorso di ricerca nazionale Coping, promosso dal Ministero dell’Università e della Ricerca, che intende indagare le modalità di implementazione del Rdc in quattro regioni del nord Italia, e la sua interazione con i sistemi locali di welfare e le pre-esistenti misure di contrasto alla povertà. Per la nostra riflessione, esploreremo in particolare il materiale raccolto attraverso 14 interviste semi-strutturate ad assistenti sociali, realizzate nella regione Piemonte (considerando la città di Torino, e le aree del Monviso e del Verbano). La scelta di incentrare l’analisi sull’ambito del servizio sociale si fonda sulla sua maggiore “esposizione” a una platea di percettori più eterogenea rispetto a quella dei Centri per l’Impiego, per la sua strutturata vocazione professionale alla presa in carico di tali soggetti, e per il suo radicamento di lungo periodo nei contesti locali. Oltre al livello macro della sfera politico-istituzionale, a livello micro le rappresentazioni della povertà prendono forma all’interno della relazione fra operatori dei servizi e beneficiari, e a loro volta contribuiscono a strutturarla. La costruzione di immagini, spesso stereotipate, dei poveri si basa sull’osservazione e valutazione di due elementi: le cause della povertà e l’atteggiamento dei poveri (Cozzarelli, Wilkinson e Tagler 2001; Busso, Meo e Morlicchio 2018; Soss, Fording e Schram 2022). Nel discorso degli operatori, questi aspetti vengono solitamente espressi facendo riferimento a due distinti campi semantici: quello della capacità e quello della volontà. La categoria di capacità racchiude la valutazione delle risorse e del livello di bisogno della persona/famiglia, che dalla posizione degli operatori può assumere i contorni della povertà economica oppure di una più ampia vulnerabilità multidimensionale. Nella narrazione degli operatori questa differenza è espressa tramite la distinzione fra “nuovi poveri” e “vecchi clienti” del welfare territoriale. Per quanto riguarda la volontà, questa fa riferimento principalmente alla lettura che gli operatori fanno degli atteggiamenti nel corso dell’incontro burocratico, in particolare distinguendo fra quei soggetti che, a fronte delle richieste di attivazione, si presentano come attivi e quelli che invece vengono recepiti come passivi. L’incrocio fra queste categorie permette così di immaginare diverse “figure” di beneficiario: il lavoratore, il volenteroso, l’oppositivo, il cronico. Anche in un contesto di policy fortemente strutturato in cui gli spazi di discrezionalità parrebbero ridursi by design, vediamo una persistenza di uno degli strumenti fondamentali (Saruis 2015) della professione assistenziale; la discrezionalità degli operatori street-level non scompare dunque dalla relazione, ma continua a esercitare un ruolo centrale nella costruzione di rappresentazioni della povertà e dei poveri, che a loro volta possono informare approcci alla presa in carico differenziati.
The implementation of Active Labour Market Policies in a regional context
Camilla Zampini, Brigitta Pia Alioto, Angela Vitale
Abstract
The project AICT (Integrated Actions of Territorial Cohesion), promoted by the Veneto Region, aims to contribute to the reduction of inequality and the risk of social marginality of the most disadvantaged - including both those already taken over by the territorial services and the new groups at risk of social exclusion whose socio-economic situation has worsened as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. The research, conducted by the Ca' Foscari University of Venice, has analyzed and worked on two key issues of the AICT programmes: the first one concerns the importance of collaborative relationships between local Services - and their communication - because these relationships make it possible to strengthen the overall governance processes at the policy network. The second issue concerns the personalization of the Services - in a tailor-made perspective - to strengthen the matching capacity between the user’s profile and the needs of the labour market, because this guarantees a certain capillarity and timeliness to quickly intercept the users, to strengthen the employability of the subjects and to answer to the multiple requirements of social inclusion of the new fragilities. The quantum-qualitative research was carried out on four territories of the region - Serenessima, Marca Trevigiana, Polesine and Eastern Veneto -, counting a total of 133 semi-structural interviews aimed at front line workes, responsible for communication services, and recipients of previous AICT programmes. The entire research was carried out in collaboration with the network of local, public and private, profit and non-profit partners, in order to improve and co-design tailor-made interventions to reintegrate into the labor market of beneficiaries of the policy. The contribution, therefore, aims to share both the findings of the research - i.e., the specificities of each territory and the respective workflows; both the results produced - the construction of work tools. The profiling one, still in the testing phase, can represent an opportunity for improvement the creation of ad hoc paths of beneficiaries. The communication one can represent the possibility of improving inter-communication inter-organizational, intra-organizational and promotion. These tools, considered in a circular key, allow, in the medium-long term, to improve the outcomes of AICT programs and allow the evaluation of incoming, ongoing and post-intervention.
Working together in the “street-level system”: collective strategies and shared practices between different street-level workers
Susanna Pagiotti
Abstract
Studying the practices of those who daily take care of situations of need requires the adoption of special lenses. The heterogeneity of contexts and responses implemented by the frontline operators creates a mosaic of experiences which together constitute the operational machine of our welfare systems. Within the schemes provided by formal regulation, people – i.e. operators – with their characteristics and actions contribute to formulating responses to the needs of the community. The Street-Level Bureaucracy theoretical approach (SLB) (Lipsky 1980, 2010) has shown over time to be particularly useful in shedding light on all these practices that often remain submerged but that are able to explain how service systems actually work. The bureaucrats described by Lipsky (1980) are low-level workers forced to work within strict working conditions. The expectations about their work are over-ambitious in the face of often vague if not conflicting directives about the objectives to be achieved. At the same time, they are also under-resourced (Evans, Harris 2004), that is, they have inadequate resources (financial, time, information ones etc.) to achieve these objectives. This leads the street-level bureaucrats (SLBs) to operate in an environment of extreme uncertainty. It is from this precariousness that they need to develop practices and routines to face daily challenges. The routines developed by the SLBs are defined by Lipsky "coping strategies" used by the operators to navigate the structures and procedures of the system in which they operate (Borrelli, Trasciani 2019). In doing so, they use their discretion. Discretion is an essential and unavoidable tool in the work of the SLBs (Lipsky 1980; Maynard-Moody, Musheno 2000) to manage and reduce the complexity of work contexts and to choose between different modes of action. However, the way in which they decide to exercise it can take on different forms and gradations (Evans, Harris 2004; Kazepov, Barberis 2012) which need to be evaluated on a case-by-case basis. Since the beginning, the prevailing approach adopted for the analysis of the practices of the SLBs has taken into consideration exclusively vertical structures in which service activities and, ultimately, policies are the result of top-down interactions or, alternatively, bottom-up ones. Along with this, greater interest was dedicated to the work of individual SLBs motivated by personal ideas and beliefs (Meier, Bohte 2001). On the contrary, less attention has been paid to understand how these processes develop horizontally and through interactions with other operators, public and non-public ones, who share the same position on the front-line of the need and therefore of the access to services (Rossi, Bertotti 2019). In this sense, the decisions and actions of the operators are not only the outcome of an individual choice, but the result of collective choices and horizontal interactions between different subjects and territorial resources, belonging both to the same organization and to other organizations. In this framework, the aim of this study is to analyze the collaboration practices between social service operators and third sector operators to understand how they are able to fill the structural lacks of their context through the exercise of their discretion and the strategies they implement, thus making the service system work. Beyond formal schemes, collaboration is therefore put to the test in this context as a practice (coping mechanism) (Lipsky 1980, 2010). The study aims to inscribe these collaborations in the theoretical framework of the so-called Street-level organizations (SLOs) (Brodkin 2011) that overcomes the individualistic tendency of the SLB perspective to put horizontally understood organizations in the foreground. With this in mind, SLBs do not act in isolation; rather they work side by side with other public and non-public street-level workers (as they will be understood in the present study). Street-level organizations can thus be considered public, private (profit and non-profit) or mixed organizations (e.g. public-private partnerships) (Brodkin 2013). In this sense, Brodkin challenges scholars to consider SLOs in a broad sense, as integrated realities in the wider social context in which other organizations coexist and participate to the functioning of the services system interacting with each other. In this picture, the present study points to contribute to the understanding of these dynamics of service provision investigating the relations between different street-level workers belonging to different organizations and professionalization, by looking in depth into the collaborative relationships between municipal social services operators and third sector operators (local Caritas Italiana) in Italy. In this regard, the study focuses on the local system of three municipalities of Umbria region (central Italy) with different characteristics: among these, both urban and rural areas, usually neglected in studies of this type. We adopted the semi-structured qualitative interview method in the context of case studies. In-depth interviews were conducted with forty social operators (both professionals, non-professionals and volunteers) and decision-makers, who represent the local fabric of services in the three considered contexts. The study highlighted the existence of what we have defined a "street-level system" in which different street-level workers horizontally compensate for the structural lack of resources through a shared exercise of discretion between operators belonging to different organizations. This is made possible by both formal and informal practices and by a dense network of interpersonal relationships held together by the glue of trust, especially in the rural areas taken into consideration. The study also made it possible to identify four different collective coping strategies aimed at: verifying and controlling information, co-evaluate, reduce bureaucracy, facilitate processes. --------------------------------------- REFERENCES Borrelli, L. M., Trasciani, G. (2019). «I like to work with people»–Everyday Stories and Reflections from Street-level Workers in the Migration Regime on What Motivates Their Tasks. In Politiche Sociali/Social policies, 6(3), pp. 407-426. Brodkin, E. Z. (2011). Policy work: Street-level organizations under new managerialism. In Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 21(2), pp. 253-277. Brodkin, E. Z. (2013). Street-level organizations and the welfare state. In Work and the welfare state: Street-level organizations and workfare politics, E. Brodkin and G. Marston, pp. 17-34. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Evans, T., Harris, J. (2004). Street-level bureaucracy, social work and the (exaggerated) death of discretion. In The British Journal of Social Work, 34(6), pp. 871-895. Kazepov, Y., Barberis, E. (2012). Social assistance governance in Europe. Towards a multi- level perspective. In Minimum income protection in flux, I. Marx and K. Nelson, pp. 217-248. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Lipsky, M. (1980). Street-Level Bureaucracy: Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Services. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Lipsky, M. (2010). Street-Level Bureaucracy, 30th Anniversary Edition: Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Services. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Maynard-Moody, S., Musheno, M. (2000). State agent or citizen agent: Two narratives of discretion. In Journal of public administration research and theory, 10(2), pp. 329-358. Meier, K. J., Bohte, J. (2001). Structure and discretion: Missing links in representative bureaucracy. In Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 11(4), pp. 455-470. Rossi, P., Bertotti, T. (2019). La costruzione «orizzontale» della discrezionalita? nei servizi sociali, tra identita? organizzative e meccanismi di integrazione delle Street-Level Bureaucracy. In Politiche Sociali/Social policies, 6(3), pp. 447-468.
 

Panel 8.5 Crisis and change in territorial politics: regional elections, representation and government from the Great Recession to the Post-Pandemic Era (I)


Since 2008, Europe has been hit by multiple crises: a global financial crisis – then followed by a deep recession and tensions in the Eurozone –, a migration crisis and a health crisis. As a result, democratic systems have been under increasing pressure. In some cases, growing political uncertainty and instability led to full-fledged political crises.
Academic research has mostly focused on transformations occurred in national political arenas, with the rise of populism and anti-establishment movements, increasing demands for protectionism and calls for restrictive immigration policies. More recent debates have been dominated by central governments’ responses to the Covid-19 pandemic and its socio-economic implications. Yet political transformations, while being most visible at the national level, have also altered sub-national representation and government in multi-level systems. The consequences of these changes are far from negligible and Western European politics has experienced new territorial developments and challenges.
Against this background, the aim of this panel is to assess how regional politics has been reshaped by fifteen years of political turbulence fuelled by financial, economic, migration and health crises. We welcome papers that focus on, but are not necessarily limited to, the following three key dimensions of regional politics: 1) electoral stability and change; 2) emergence of new forms of representation and political personnel; 3) interactions between central and regional political elites.
Contributions can concentrate on more than one of these dimensions, for instance by linking electoral change to the reconfiguration of sub-national representation and shifts in central-regional relations. Papers can cover one or more case studies and combine cross-national and cross-regional comparisons. We also embrace methodological pluralism.

Chairs: Davide Vampa

Discussants: Michelangelo Vercesi

Political professionalism and Circulation of elites in Italian Regions
Matteo Boldrini, Selena Grimaldi
Abstract
Political representation and selection models have highly changed in Italian Regions since the mid’90s due to both the implosion of the previous party system and to the novelties derived by the new institutional opportunity framework based on a presidentialized type of government. This paper aims at understanding what kind of political profiles have emerged among regional ministers (assessori) in Ordinary Statute Regions (OSR) since 1995. Are there similarities or differences in terms of their socio-economic characteristics and political career? To answer our research question, the following aspects are analysed for the whole population: gender, age, education, original profession, type of political offices (before and after their office in regional government), personalised voting and career duration. Data has been collected from the National Registry of the Ministry of the Interior and from regional official websites. Quantitative descriptive statistics is used at this stage of the research. Keywords: Regional ministers, political career, political professionalisation, elite circulation
Twenty thousand Leagues? An Analysis of trajectories of the (Northern) League through its Regional Councillors
Gianluca Piccolino, Sofia Marini
Abstract
The Northern League, now simply the League, has been one of the most successful populist parties in Europe in the last three decades. Born as a protest phenomenon in the Northern Region of Italy, the party has changed its platform several times, evolving into a secessionist movement outside the main coalitions to then approach a more moderate regionalism firmly rooted within the centre-right. In the last ten years, under the leadership of Matteo Salvini, the party has reinvented itself once again: the League has become a radical right-wing populist party with a national projection. These reforms have allowed the party to successfully ride the wave of the migration crisis, albeit several internal tensions about this transformation have erupted. While this party has been extensively studied with regards to its organization and ideology, far less attention has been paid to its representatives elected at the local level. This is indeed a fundamental perspective to understand the transformations of this political chameleon, which has given a great deal of emphasis to the regions for a large part of its history. With this work we aim to fill this void, through the study of the socio-demographic and political characteristics of all the regional councillors of the League elected from 1990 to today. This allows us to elucidate the mutual relations between the national and regional elites and their evolution over time. Our article will analyse in particular whether the political personnel of this party with a strong anti-establishment charge has professionalized over time and how the political class of the "new" League differs from that of its origins. We argue that this could have paved the way for the consolidation of the party at the national level, with important implications for the representativeness of the whole Italian political system.
Mayors between Territorial Policy and Governance Constraints. How Local Elites Evaluate Municipal Horizontal Tools
Silvia Bolgherini, Greta Klotz
Abstract
Crisis and change also affects the local level of government. Nowadays, municipalities face increasing demands in terms of quality and efficiency of public services. Not all municipalities are able to fulfill these expectations due to limited financial or human resources, especially those with a small number of inhabitants or a peripherical geographic position. Horizontal governance tools are often mentioned in the literature as a possible solution for local governance challenges. Is this assertion shared also by local leaders and in practice or is it only a theoretical consideration? This paper will elaborate on this question and thus to what extent intermunicipal cooperation and amalgamation – the main horizontal tools for territorial governance - may be an answer to the rising local challenges. By applying to municipal horizontal tools (MHT), the theoretical dimensions of Europeanness of elites, empirical evidence on the assessments of local political elites (mayors) in three subnational units of the Alpine region (Grisons, South Tyrol, Tyrol) will be provided and discussed. Our results show that between the two main tools of territorial governance, only intermunicipal cooperation (IMC) is positively evaluated and strived for, differently from amalgamation, which is instead overall rejected as an effective solution. While overall the efficacy of MHT is confirmed also in practice, some nuances appeared and question, among others, the shared view of amalgamation as a solution in municipal dire straits.
Reelection, Advancement, Reanimation, Attempt (RARA): Preselection in Proportional Representation Systems
Katarzyna Lorenc, Jaroslaw Flis
Abstract
The complex structure of Polish electoral system encouraged us to conduct a broad, quantitative research on how the party lists are constructed and find out what features characterize the candidates included in the lists and which of them characterize candidates who actually get parliamentary mandates. We pay particular attention to the importance of previous electoral experiences at regional and local level. We show the differences between the patterns of behavior in stable parties and in new protest parties that emerged in subsequent elections starting from 2011. The Polish party-list proportional representation electoral system is based on two contradicting forces. On the one hand, voters can choose a preferred candidate on one of the registered party lists. Since the mandates are given to the candidates who obtained the most votes, voters have real influence on who gets a mandate (open list) in comparison to countries where voters can only vote for parties and the hierarchy of candidates on a list is set prior to the election (closed list) (Passarelli 2020). On the other hand, Flis (2014) points out that on average only one in five mandates is won by a candidate who was not in the ‘mandate’ place on the list (one of a few top places on the list that would win a mandate if closed list system was applied). Therefore, party leaders who set the hierarchy on the list have significant influence over who actually gets a mandate. These forces create a multistage electoral system. Swianiewicz and Olszowiec (2013) divide it into three distinct phases: 1) autoselection – in which a potential candidate makes a decision to compete in a given electoral race; 2) preselection – in which a party list is constructed, and 3) selection – in which voters choose one from the candidates included in one of the registered party lists. Therefore, the general aim of our research project, of which this paper is a part, is to discover how party lists are constructed in the Polish parliamentary elections. To begin with, it is important to focus on the goals of party officials who construct the list. The main objective should be, at least in theory, to choose candidates according to their popularity among voters. Apart from obtaining as many votes for a person or a list as possible, it is also important to consider other motivations. We describe them basing on the broad understanding of electoral contamination introduced by Guinjoan (2014). He understands electoral contamination as „a situation where either voters or party elites determine their political behaviour on the basis of other arenas, rather than the specific arena being contested” (Guinjoan 2014:19). The incentives may be twofold: 1) institutional and sociological, and 2) organizational. The institutional and sociological set of incentives is based on the fact that there are different levels of elections, taking place on the same or different dates. This may lead to constructing a party list not basing on the chance to win a mandate in a given election, but rather to make a statement, serve some kind of audience or gather support for different level of elections. The organizational incentives include generating political externalities such as showing the image of strength to the voters, cultivating relations with local party members, and defending the party values. Our research shows that candidates with previous regional and local achievements play a key role in stable parties, but not in new protest parties. Their significant contribution to the party's success, however, does not imply a particularly high probability of personal success.
 

Panel 8.5 Crisis and change in territorial politics: regional elections, representation and government from the Great Recession to the Post-Pandemic Era (II)


Since 2008, Europe has been hit by multiple crises: a global financial crisis – then followed by a deep recession and tensions in the Eurozone –, a migration crisis and a health crisis. As a result, democratic systems have been under increasing pressure. In some cases, growing political uncertainty and instability led to full-fledged political crises.
Academic research has mostly focused on transformations occurred in national political arenas, with the rise of populism and anti-establishment movements, increasing demands for protectionism and calls for restrictive immigration policies. More recent debates have been dominated by central governments’ responses to the Covid-19 pandemic and its socio-economic implications. Yet political transformations, while being most visible at the national level, have also altered sub-national representation and government in multi-level systems. The consequences of these changes are far from negligible and Western European politics has experienced new territorial developments and challenges.
Against this background, the aim of this panel is to assess how regional politics has been reshaped by fifteen years of political turbulence fuelled by financial, economic, migration and health crises. We welcome papers that focus on, but are not necessarily limited to, the following three key dimensions of regional politics: 1) electoral stability and change; 2) emergence of new forms of representation and political personnel; 3) interactions between central and regional political elites.
Contributions can concentrate on more than one of these dimensions, for instance by linking electoral change to the reconfiguration of sub-national representation and shifts in central-regional relations. Papers can cover one or more case studies and combine cross-national and cross-regional comparisons. We also embrace methodological pluralism.

Chairs: Selena Grimaldi

Discussants: Silvia Bolgherini, Laura Polverari

Multi-level Crisis: Explaining political change and stability in 57 European regions (2000-2021)
Davide Vampa
Abstract
In recent years, a growing number of scholars have focused on political change in various European countries. Much attention has been devoted to the emergence of new actors or the crisis of established parties at the national level. Yet in multi-level systems transformations have been more diffuse and have also affected regional politics. This article seeks to assess political change in 57 European regions and identify the key regional and national factors that may lead to increasing political instability and regeneration at the sub-national level. Change is here operationalised in terms of electoral volatility. However, in order to account for the multi-level nature of competition in regional elections, volatility is disaggregated into two components. “Region-based volatility” refers to changes in voters’ support from one election to the next for political parties that exclusively compete in one region. “Nation-based volatility” instead is calculated for parties that are electorally active in more regions, have state-wide organisations or, at the very least, are part of institutionalised cross-regional networks. In this way it is possible to identify the true source of change or stability in “meso-level” electoral arenas where opposite territorial pressures (nationalisation vs regionalisation) may coexist.
Contextual effects on support for GAL-TAN parties and transnationalism-related attitudes within European metropolises: the case of London
Mirko Crulli
Abstract
Over the past two decades, many scholars have explored the transformations of European cleavage politics, connected with the populist challenge and the multiple European crises. A consensus has emerged around the thesis that European party systems are increasingly structured by a cleavage based on values, and above all on globalization and transnationalism-related issues, such as European integration and immigration. However, there is a dimension of this “transnational cleavage”, opposing GAL (green-alternative-libertarian) and TAN (traditionalist-authoritarian-nationalist) parties, that continues to be rather neglected: the subnational-territorial one. Only a few studies have investigated the possible connections between the new transnational cleavage and territorial developments of policies and politics. This paper aims to continue in the wake of these studies, by analyzing the role of metropolitan contextual effects on (1) support for political parties that most politicize the transnational cleavage (GAL and TAN parties) and on (2) citizens’ attitudes on immigration and Europe. The empirical investigation focuses on a relevant case study: Greater London, a “global city” where transnationalism-related issues and behaviors are crucial. Data are aggregated at the level of the 33 London boroughs, which constitute the territorial units of the ecological quantitative analysis. This is based on an original merged dataset comprising independent variables that capture contextual effects (geographical position, demography, foreign residents, housing prices, cultural and educational offer, meeting places, childcare and health services, commuting level), and dependent variables that measure party support and citizens’ orientations on immigration and the European Union. These dependent variables are extrapolated from the data collected by the British Election Study. Findings clarify in which types of metropolitan contexts support for parties established on the new transnational cleavage proliferates, as well as what contextual effects favor anti-immigration and anti-EU orientations. The study, therefore, contributes to linking the debate on the emergence of new cleavages with the debate on the spatial distribution of party support and voter attitudes, shedding light on some possible connections between the new transnational divide and the characteristics of metropolitan contexts.
Le elezioni comunali in Italia dopo la Grande Recessione: sistema politico locale e dinamiche nazionali
Aldo Paparo, Alessandro Chiaramonte
Abstract
Le elezioni comunali sono un fenomeno sempre più rilevante nel sistema politico italiano. L’appuntamento annuale con tali consultazioni rappresenta nella maggior parte degli anni l’unico momento elettorale per misurare la forza di partiti e coalizioni al di fuori dei sondaggi di opinione. Per questo motivo molte attenzioni vi si concentrano sia da parte dei media che degli stessi attori politici. Anche la letteratura scientifica ha mostrato un crescente interesse per il comportamento elettorale nelle elezioni comunali, indagandone diversi aspetti in relazione al funzionamento delle stesse e al loro legame con il livello politico nazionale. Manca tuttavia, con riferimento all’Italia, un’analisi diacronica di ampio respiro temporale che consenta di fissare con maggiore chiarezza alcuni elementi di particolare interesse, relativamente, ad esempio, alla stabilità e al cambiamento elettorale, e interazioni tra politica nazionale e il livello comunale. Il caso italiano si configura, oltretutto, come particolarmente interessante dal punto di vista comparato, per via della storica svolta operata nel 1993 che ha trasformato forma di governo e sistema elettorale del comune, facendone un laboratorio del “sistema italiano di governo”. In questo studio ci concentriamo sui comuni superiori ai 15.000 abitanti, per cui vige il sistema a doppio turno e in cui sono possibili le coalizioni (rendendo così presenti le liste dei partiti nazionali), e in particolare sul periodo 2009-2022, anche confrontandolo con il periodo precedente le crisi finanziarie, migratorie e pandemiche. Gli interrogativi di ricerca che indaghiamo riguardano due ambiti principali. Il primo è l’instabilità del sistema politico locale in termini di volatilità e frammentazione nel corso del tempo. Quanta instabilità si registra? Più o meno di quanta registrata nel sistema politico a livello nazionale? Come si legano i due andamenti? Il secondo ambito indagato verte specificatamente sulla relazione fra politica nazionale ed elezioni locali, nel senso di dinamiche coalizionali nazionali che si ripercuotono nei contesti locali, ed anche di effetti nazionali sui risultati elettorali osservati nelle elezioni locali.
Rappresentanza territoriale e di genere nei Consigli Metropolitani, stabilità istituzionale e sostenibilità costituzionale della governance metropolitana
Giancarlo Gasperoni, Marina Caporale
Abstract
La legge n. 56/2014 (“Delrio”) ha istituito le Città Metropolitane, definite “enti territoriali di area vasta”, così come le Province, nel nuovo assetto per queste ultime definito. Le funzioni attribuite alle Città Metropolitane sono: l’adozione e aggiornamento annuale di un piano strategico triennale del territorio metropolitano, che costituisce atto di indirizzo per l’ente e per l’esercizio delle funzioni dei Comuni e delle Unioni di Comuni; la pianificazione territoriale generale, ivi comprese le strutture di comunicazione, le reti di servizi e delle infrastrutture; la strutturazione di sistemi coordinati di gestione dei servizi pubblici, l’organizzazione dei servizi pubblici di interesse generale di ambito metropolitano; la mobilità, la viabilità, l’assicurazione della compatibilità e della coerenza della pianificazione urbanistica comunale nell’ambito metropolitano; la promozione e il coordinamento dello sviluppo economico e sociale, anche mediante sostegno e supporto alle attività economiche e di ricerca innovative; la promozione e il coordinamento dei sistemi di informatizzazione e di digitalizzazione; altre funzioni già spettanti alle Province; altre funzioni che le Regioni attribuiranno alla Città Metropolitane. Si è voluto, in estrema sintesi, attribuire alle Città Metropolitane le funzioni della Province arricchite da nuove funzioni fondamentali di pianificazione in settori strategici in grado di assicurare un salto di qualità verso il governo dell’area metropolitana e lo sviluppo del territorio. La legge Delrio costituisce un assetto di organi inedito per le Città Metropolitane, in cui elimina l’organo esecutivo per eccellenza, la giunta, e introduce una struttura tripolare in cui tutti gli organi sono espressione dei Comuni che fanno parte della Città Metropolitana: Sindaco Metropolitano, Conferenza Metropolitana e Consiglio Metropolitano (“CM”). Il sindaco del comune capoluogo della Città Metropolitana è di diritto il Sindaco Metropolitano, che presiede il CM. La Conferenza Metropolitana (che ha compiti prevalentemente consultivi) è composta dal Sindaco Metropolitano e dai sindaci dei Comuni che fanno parte della Città Metropolitana. Infine, il CM - organo di indirizzo e di controllo della Città Metropolitana - è un’assemblea il cui sistema elettorale è contraddistinto da vari elementi degni di nota. Le elezioni dei CM sono caratterizzate da: - la natura indiretta, di secondo livello (elettorato attivo e passivo sono costituiti dall’insieme dei sindaci e dei consiglieri comunali dei comuni che fanno capo alla Città); - dalla concomitanza fra mandato del Sindaco/Consiglio Metropolitano e mandato del sindaco/consiglio comunale del capoluogo; - dalla ponderazione demografica del voto; - dai vincoli sulla formazione delle liste elettorali a tutela della rappresentanza di genere; - dalla decadenza dei Consiglieri Metropolitani in occasione della loro cessazione dalla carica comunale, con conseguente surroga dalla stessa lista elettorale in cui erano candidati. Nonostante la novità costituita dal modello delle Città Metropolitane e da un’elezione di secondo livello, le elezioni dei CM hanno suscitato poco interesse, sotto il profilo sia giuridico sia empirico. Alla luce di una precedente analisi dei CM eletti a fine 2016 (e giunti a fine mandato nel 2021: vedi opere citate in calce), si intende accertare se in occasione delle elezioni dei CM che hanno avuto luogo nel 2021 e nella prima parte del 2022 siano stati superati o meno alcuni nodi problematici. Il contributo esamina, nello specifico, la complessiva offerta politica, la composizione delle liste elettorali e gli esiti delle elezioni di 7 Consigli Metropolitani: - Reggio Calabria (24 gennaio 2021); - Bologna e Venezia (28 novembre 2021); - Milano, Torino e Roma (19 dicembre 2021); - Napoli (13 marzo 2022). (E’ improbabile che le elezioni metropolitane di Genova si tengano prima del convegno SISP, poiché il rinnovo del consiglio comunale del capoluogo sono programmate per il mese di giugno. Le elezioni metropolitane originariamente indette per il 22 gennaio 2022 a Messina, Catania e Palermo sono state rinviate: legge della Regione Sicilia n. 31 del 18 dicembre 2021.) I nodi problematici in parola, che discendono dalle summenzionate caratteristiche del sistema elettorale dei CM, sono collegati ai seguenti elementi: - scarsa partecipazione elettorale fra gli elettori dei comuni minori e dal peso soverchiante degli elettori espressione dei comuni capoluogo (determinati dalla ponderazione demografica del voto); - inefficacia delle norme sulla parità di genere; - insediamento di candidati con scarso o persino nessun consenso; - instabilità della composizione dei CM provocata da decadenze e surroghe dall’incapienza delle liste elettorali. La tornata elettorale in questione è di particolare interesse anche per l’applicazione della norma per la formazione delle liste elettorali, che prevede che i candidati di uno stesso genere non possano costituire oltre il 60% dei candidati. Il vincolo previsto dalla legge Delrio non è stato implementato durante i primi 5 anni dopo l’entrata in vigore della legge, e quindi è stato introdotto per la prima volta nelle elezioni metropolitane prese in esame. A differenza di quanto osservato nella tornata precedente, evidentemente, il vincolo è stato rispettato (seppure in un contesto di operativizzazione disomogenea), ma senza sortire gli effetti intesi: sono state poche le donne elette, e decisamente pochi i consensi raccolti dall’insieme delle candidate. Va sottolineato che la giurisprudenza costituzionale si è occupata in diverse occasioni del sistema elettorale indiretto delle Città Metropolitane, affermandone la tenuta complessiva ma evidenziando anche alcune incompatibilità costituzionali. In particolare, di recente, con la sentenza n. 240 dell’11 novembre 2021, la Corte Costituzionale ha dichiarato che la norma secondo la quale il sindaco del comune capoluogo è di diritto il Sindaco Metropolitano è in contrasto con il principio costituzionale di uguaglianza del voto (dei cittadini residenti nel comune capoluogo della Città Metropolitana rispetto a quelli residenti negli altri comuni). La Corte ha altresì evidenziato come la mancata rappresentatività dell’organo di vertice della Città Metropolitana sia in grado di compromettere l’uguale godimento del diritto di voto dei cittadini destinatari dell’esercizio del potere di indirizzo politico-amministrativo dell’ente, ma anche la necessaria responsabilità politica dei suoi organi, sollecitando quindi il Legislatore ad intervenire complessivamente sulla governance delle Città Metropolitane. Il testo di legge delega per la riforma del Testo Unico degli Enti Locali, per quanto risulta ad oggi, propone che il Sindaco Metropolitano sia eletto tra i sindaci dei comuni della Città Metropolitana. Lo schema di legge delega interviene anche sugli organi delle Città Metropolitane e gli equilibri e rapporti tra questi, in particolare prevedendo il ritorno della Giunta. Sembra dunque emergere un ripensamento del Legislatore sull’efficacia della governance definita con la legge Delrio, senza coinvolgere per ora il CM, nonostante le disfunzionalità del meccanismo elettorale che documentiamo e le relative e significative implicazioni su governance ed esercizio delle funzioni e quindi, in definitiva, sullo stesso modello d Città Metropolitana. M. Caporale e G. Gasperoni (2016), Elezioni dei Consigli metropolitani. Caratteristiche, esiti e nodi critici emersi in occasione del voto del 9 ottobre 2016, “Istituzioni del Federalismo”, XXXVII, n. 4 G. Gasperoni e M. Caporale (2021), Cinque anni dopo. La disfunzionalità del sistema elettorale e la debole efficacia rappresentativa dei Consigli Metropolitani, “Federalismi.it”, XIX, n. 26
 

Panel 8.7 Living Labs in Italy and abroad: policy effectiveness, legitimacy, and capacity to produce public value (I)


Over the last decade, Living Labs have become very popular at the international and the Italian level as a novel approach to develop products, technologies, and services for the public sector. They rouse interests due to the collaborative and innovative methodology they adopt, based on quadruple helix partnerships among different categories of stakeholders - public administration, firms, research centers, and citizens – and on an experimental and user-centered approach. Living Labs are, in fact, spaces where different categories of actors interact to design, prototype, produce and test solutions to public problems with the support of experts belonging to research centers, NGOs or public administrations. The ‘lab approach’ spread around Europe also due to investments made by the European Union through the Seventh Framework Program, Horizon Europe, and Cohesion Policy 2014-2020 and the creation of the European Network of Living Labs (ENOLL).
Labs act in several policy fields such digitalization, circular economy, energy, mobility, aging, and housing, with the aim to engage citizens and stakeholders in developing solutions to traditional and/or wicked problems through collaborative experimentations.
In Italy Labs were established at the local level, in cities such as Turin, Milan, and Bologna, and in Regions like Veneto, Umbria, Lombardy, and Calabria, often funded by ERDF, to support innovation in firms and public administrations, and citizens’ digital literacy.
Whilst there has been a large diffusion of labs at the international level and in Italy, relatively little is known about their problem-solving effectiveness, and the way their results are mainstreamed into local, regional, and national policy-making processes. Moreover, more research is needed to assess important issues such as how accountability is ensured in public contexts, whether stakeholders and citizens engagement is real, open, and transparent, and what kind of public value they are promoting.
The panel welcomes both theoretical and empirical papers addressing those issues and analyzing Labs experiences in Italy and/or at the international level, also with a focus on cities and regions, presenting single case studies or adopting a comparative perspective.

Chairs: Giorgia Nesti, Stefania Ravazzi, Alessandro Sancino

Discussants: Alessandro Sancino, Giulio Citroni

I Living Lab fra pratiche e politiche: il caso del “Living Lab delle Aci”
Marco La Bella, Giuseppe Sigismondo Martorana
Abstract
Con l’emanazione delle linee-guida (DDG n. 4268 del 24/12/2019) riguardanti le Aree Interne (Azione territorializzata Aree Interne) e le Aree Rurali Leader (Azione territorializzata CLLD) – Azione 1.3.2. del Programma Operativo FESR 2014-2020 “Sostegno alla generazione di soluzioni innovative a specifici problemi di rilevanza sociale” – la Regione Siciliana ha inteso attivare un intervento, attraverso l'approccio “Living lab”, per consentire di indirizzare e coordinare a livello strategico, in vista del conseguimento di risultati durevoli e sostenibili. Questo è quanto emerso dal processo di ascolto del territorio realizzato in fase di definizione del documento di Strategia S3 Sicilia 2014-2020 – una scheda progettuale che ha come oggetto l'attivazione di uno o più Living Lab su alcuni specifici ambiti selezionati della Strategia Regionale dell'innovazione per la Specializzazione Intelligente 2014-2020 – che di fatto ha evidenziato l'esistenza di un significativo tessuto di giovani innovatori locali, anche organizzati in piccole comunità più o meno strutturate. Il nuovo approccio compiutamente recepito dalla Strategia d’Area guarda alle comunità locali composte da cittadini-consumatori di prodotti/servizi come ad un ambiente potenzialmente fecondo in cui generare innovazione aperta nell'ottica innovativa della c.d. user centric innovation di origine comunitaria. Il paper si propone di sviluppare due livelli di analisi. Il primo livello è quello dell’inquadramento del “Living Lab” come strumento di policy nell’ambito delle politiche di sviluppo locale, attraverso una “lettura” del caso siciliano nel periodo di programmazione 2014-2020. In questo quadro, risulta molto interessante la ricostruzione del percorso storico/cronologico che lo ha caratterizzato. Nello specifico appaiono molto evidenti, e conseguentemente interessanti, le “incertezze” nelle scelte dell’Autorità di Gestione rispetto alle “novità” offerte da uno strumento come il Living Lab, quale ecosistema centrato sugli utenti, aperto all'innovazione, volto ad integrare le attività di ricerca e i processi di innovazione locali concorrenti in situazioni di vita reale. Il secondo livello è invece costituito dall’approfondimento di uno studio di caso, quello del Living Lab delle Aci (ALI), che abbiamo avuto modo di osservare nel periodo aprile a settembre 2021. Attraverso l’osservazione partecipata è stato possibile ricostruire tutte le fasi del processo che il Gruppo di Azione Locale “Terre di Aci” ha posto in essere per la costituzione del partenariato (Quadrupla Elica) e per la co-progettazione finalizzata alla presentazione dell’istanza per il finanziamento con l’azione territorializzata CLLD della 1.3.2. PO FESR Sicilia. Interessante, a tale proposito è stata anche l’osservazione delle attività inerenti all’interlocuzione e alla negoziazione fra i Gruppi di Azione Locale ed i diversi Dipartimenti dell’Amministrazione regionale. L’obiettivo del paper è quello di verificare se le dinamiche della quadrupla elica possano costituire un catalizzatore dei flussi ascendenti (dal basso verso l’alto) nelle politiche di sviluppo locale. Inoltre, il nostro intento è quello di provare a verificare quanto l’attività multiattoriale della quadrupla elica costituisca per i territori – rispetto alla più ampia e generica cornice del Community Led Local Development – una via d’accesso ai processi decisionali ed alle regolazioni conseguenti poste in essere dai livelli istituzionali sovraordinati (nel caso di specie la Regione Siciliana). Il caso analizzato appare particolarmente interessante sia per lo stretto legame fra il Living Lab delle Aci e la Strategia di Sviluppo Locale di Tipo Partecipativo, contenuta nel Piano di Azione Locale del Gal Terre di Aci, sia per le iniziative che l’attività della quadrupla elica ha indotto in quel contesto locale .
Il Contratto di Area Umida per la Laguna Nord di Venezia.
Maria Giulia Cantaluppi, Maria Chiara Tosi, Marta Da Marchi, Michela Pace
Abstract
0. Introduzione. Cosa si intende per Contratto di area umida? Le aree umide, ovvero le lagune, le paludi, gli stagni, le torbiere, sono ambienti vulnerabili e la loro protezione intreccia aspetti ambientali e scientifici, legati spesso a problemi di governance multilivello. Le aree umide non solo forniscono le risorse da cui dipendono innumerevoli specie di piante e animali, ma svolgono importanti funzioni ambientali ed economiche: lo stoccaggio del carbonio, la mitigazione delle inondazioni, il miglioramento della qualità delle acque. Inoltre, rappresentano un prezioso patrimonio culturale ed una importante eredità naturale. Numerose istituzioni si sono attivate promuovendo i Contratti di area umida, strumenti di governance multilivello orientati a conseguire effetti globali sugli ecosistemi delle zone umide costiere e sui relativi aspetti socioeconomici, superando le frammentazioni che spesso mettono a repentaglio la sostenibilità, lo sviluppo e la conservazione di queste aree. Tale strumento proviene dall'esperienza pluriennale dei Contratti di Fiume, riconosciuti a livello nazionale, concorrendo alla definizione e all’attuazione degli strumenti di pianificazione di distretto a livello di bacino e sottobacino idrografico, perseguono la tutela, la corretta gestione delle risorse idriche e la valorizzazione dei territori fluviali, unitamente alla salvaguardia (art. 68bis del D.Lgs 152/2006) e (D.G.R.V. 1938/2015). Ad oggi in Italia, risultano attivi 206 Contratti di fiume e di laguna, censiti dall’Osservatorio Nazionale dei Contratti di Fiume del Ministero dell’Ambiente. L’Università IUAV di Venezia, all'interno del progetto Interreg Italia-Croazia CREW, ha gestito il ruolo di Leader Partners e coordinato il processo di governance per la sottoscrizione del Contratto di area umida della Laguna nord di Venezia. 1.Approcci innovativi e sperimentali per la definizione e l’implementazione del progetto durante il Covid 19 Da marzo 2020 le strategie per la definizione e l’implementazione del progetto sono cambiate bruscamente a causa dell'emergenza sanitaria, e questo ha creato nuove condizioni all’interno delle quali ripensare le attività legate al Contratto di Laguna. Dopo una lunga riflessione sui possibili processi partecipativi a distanza ed in forma ibrida, grazie anche al confronto e al supporto del Master in progettazione partecipata ProPART dell’Università IUAV, il gruppo di ricerca ha ideato una serie di iniziative che permettessero di continuare la raccolta di informazioni e lo scambio con i soggetti, nella consapevolezza che i percorsi di governance fanno dell’incontro un momento fondante per la costruzione della conoscenza reciproca e della fiducia. Tra queste attività si contano il Questionario online, i Forums online, ed i Tour conoscitivi. Il Questionario online “La laguna oltre l’emergenza” ha avuto lo scopo di rilevare la percezione dell’ambiente lagunare da parte di abitanti e frequentatori abituali, in un momento storico dove per molti non era possibile raggiungere questi luoghi, e quindi provare ad immaginarsi cosa valorizzare e cosa cambiare una volta terminato lo stato di emergenza. Le impressioni raccolte hanno a loro volta evidenziato modi di sentire e luoghi di interesse e sono diventati materiale indispensabile alla costruzione del quadro conoscitivo e dei valori sui quali è stato costruito il Contratto di area umida, una varietà ampia e articolata di valori riconosciuti come possibili leve per migliorare la Laguna Nord di Venezia. Per poterli rendere intellegibili, sono stati raggruppati sulla base di alcune azioni riferite alla quotidianità: curare l’ambiente e la cultura della laguna, sentire la laguna e abitare e muoversi la laguna. I due Forum online sono stati un altro strumento che ha permesso di continuare le attività relative alla costruzione del Contratto di Area Umida durante la pandemia, seppur a distanza. Durante i Forums è stato chiesto ad alcuni testimoni di contribuire alla definizione di una visione condivisa per il futuro della Laguna Nord di Venezia, evidenziando le iniziative più urgenti. Questi momenti di riflessione comune, in un periodo in cui la maggior parte degli interlocutori aveva dovuto sospendere le proprie attività, hanno contribuito a creare la base di incontro e confronto con un numero elevato di partecipanti, ottenendo una partecipazione maggiore rispetto ai momenti di incontro organizzati precedentemente in presenza e a dare voce e grande visibilità ai protagonisti del forum in diretta su Facebook e Youtube attraverso la piattaforma Streamyard. Nel mese di ottobre 2020 il gruppo di ricerca si è recato sul territorio organizzando due Tour conoscitivi per capire la situazione ed incontrare i rappresentanti delle associazioni e delle istituzioni interessate a collaborare alla costruzione del Contratto. Il primo tour si è svolto “via terra”, percorrendo la gronda lagunare in bicicletta; il secondo si è svolto “via acqua”, attraversando parte della laguna in battello. Le testimonianze raccolte hanno rivelato in modo puntuale le attività in corso, le reti attive nella promozione e salvaguardia della laguna, le progettualità attuali e desiderate. Ugualmente, hanno messo in luce le mancanze, le difficoltà e le contraddizioni che caratterizzano questo ambiente tanto prezioso quanto fragile. 2. La governance multilivello del progetto CREW: implementazione delle politiche europee place-based per la lotta al cambiamento climatico. L’ obiettivo principale del progetto Interreg Italia-Croazia CREW - Coordinated Wetland Management in Italy-Croatia cross-border region, concluso a luglio 2021, è stato la tutela della biodiversità delle aree umide costiere nella regione adriatica tra Italia e Croazia, attraverso lo sviluppo di strumenti innovativi di governance partecipata, quale il Contratto di Area Umida. Tale percorso di governance ha supportato le politiche locali in una logica di maggiore integrazione, per ottimizzare gli investimenti pubblici e privati in modo sinergico e collaborativo. Da settembre 2019 a febbraio 2021 sono state raccolte istanze del territorio che hanno costituito le domande di partenza dei tavoli di lavoro, e hanno portato alla definizione del Programma d’Azione. Le proposte emerse sono state raccolte sotto forma di schede nel documento intitolato Abaco delle azioni, che prevede 18 Azioni e 73 Attività per la Laguna Nord di Venezia, da realizzare nell’arco di 4 anni (2021-2025). Il 20 luglio 2021 è stato firmato il Contratto di Area Umida per la Laguna Nord di Venezia, dopo quasi 3 anni di processo partecipato, che ha visto coinvolti Pubbliche Amministrazioni Locali, Università e gruppi di ricerca, Consorzi di Bonifica, la Soprintendenza archeologica, belle arti e paesaggio per il Comune di Venezia e laguna, il Provveditorato Interregionale OO.PP. Triveneto (ex Magistrato alle acque di Venezia) e più di 50 enti ed associazioni con finalità ed obiettivi molto differenti tra loro, uniti dal desiderio di tutelare, abitare, lavorare e vivere in Laguna Nord di Venezia. Le proposte emerse del processo partecipato trovano una forma pratica all’interno del Programma d’Azione del Contratto di laguna, documento che raccoglie e definisce nuove responsabilità e progetti condivisi da tutti i firmatari. Contemporaneamente al Contratto di laguna, il progetto CREW si muoveva a più scale: da un lato sensibilizzando e promuovendo il tema delle aree umide a livello regionale e sovraregionale, dall’altro incoraggiando strumenti di governance multilivello capaci di favorire forme di rappresentanza plurale nel territorio della laguna nord e con il confronto con gli altri partner di progetto, impegnati anche loro nella creazione di nuovi Contratti di laguna tra Italia e Croazia. Questo triplo impegno si pone una sfida complessa: rafforzare la rete dei progetti in essere che si occupano di aree umide così da influenzare le politiche europee, e al contempo tradurre i risultati di percorsi territoriali in riscontri pratici anche a breve termine, agilmente integrabili nelle politiche esistenti. 3. Primi risultati Sono molti gli esiti positivi registrati, in particolar modo legati all'integrazione di saperi tecnici e locali e alla valorizzazione degli attori minori. I soggetti coinvolti sono eterogenei, così come il loro apporto al progetto e la messa a disposizione di competenze. Infatti, i portatori di interesse non portano solo istanze, ma anche una conoscenza capillare e diretta del territorio che abitano e usufruiscono a diverso titolo. Tra i punti chiave dei Contratti di area umida vi sono il sostegno dell’empowerment dei soggetti, umani e non umani che abitano i luoghi coinvolti, proponendo strumenti di lettura e programmazione territoriale partecipata e la capacità di trovare soluzioni inventive e proattive per massimizzare l'esperienza di condivisione e la co-creazione di progetti e politiche pubbliche per la salvaguardia delle aree umide. La creazione di momenti di ascolto, discussione e scambio tra gli attori che vivono e lavorano nell'area, stimola non solo la connessione tra partner, ma anche la convergenza di interessi comuni e l’accelerazione dei processi in corso. Favorire la progettualità locale come forma di intervento diffuso volto alla salvaguardia del territorio, così come alla promozione delle economie e della cultura lagunari continua ad essere una degli obiettivi principali del Contratto di Area Umida per la Laguna Nord di Venezia. Il 13 gennaio 2022 si è tenuta la Prima Assemblea di Laguna online, dove si è costituita e formalizzata l’Assemblea di Laguna e la sua Segreteria Tecnica. L’Assemblea di Laguna si riunisce due volte all’anno per valutare lo stato di avanzamento dei progetti e condividere successi e criticità. Il processo di sottoscrizione del Contratto rimane aperto ad enti ed associazioni interessati/e a partecipare, così come rimane aperta la possibilità di aggiungere e proporre nuove attività.
Impronta: a living lab strategy to connect University and regional policies in Granada (Spain)
Esteban Romero
Abstract
The growing complexity of today's societies demands that their citizens, through public administrations, face the great challenges of our time, applying new perspectives and methodologies. While the University is a central agent in the generation of knowledge and brings together a large community of citizens, it is also a key player in the generation of knowledge, it must position itself as a key actor to promote the transformations of the territory, counting on other regional public entities, local businesses and citizens in general.  Our proposal in based on the idea of generating new capacities in our region to deal with challenges such as climate change and others that can relevant in the future. This perspective is based on the ideas of sustainability and it is based on an agreement between Diputación de Granada and University of Granada under the title of Impronta (which means footprint in English). The main objective we are pursuing is to design a multilevel and multi-stakeholder knowledge transfer model from the university to the territory, through its local entities and other administrative forms, in order to address the major challenges of the province, within the framework of the 2030 Agenda. The University will act as a facilitating institution as well as a knowledge-generating actor.  All this will be used to implement the Science Meets Region programme, which in Grenada is to be applied to climate change challenges. This is broadly related to the SDGs as well as to the circular economy, digitalisation and social innovation associated with these challenges, air quality, climate change mitigation and adaptation, development of successful policies, etc. The implementation of the Science Meets Region project is based on the following lines: 1. It will not be an isolated event, but a process of co-creation that will allow over the course of weeks to activate the participating stakeholders in the province of Granada in order to address the challenges that the Urban Agenda, developed by the Diputación de Granada, sets out in the field of climate change. 2. In order to support this process, face-to-face and virtual actions are designed, for which means of communication and online participation will be provided, which will take the form of an online platform that will allow: a) Develop the current project on climate change in the framework of the Science Meets Region call. & b) To develop an instrument that offers resources to the territory, through the connection between the University and the Provincial Council, in order to face future co-creation processes in other areas. The design of the action is based on a long-term sustainability approach, guaranteed by the maintenance of the platform by the University of Granada with its own resources. Our project is based on the following actions: 1) Online platfom Main space for communication, challenge-based platform, and infrastructure to make the project sustainable in the future. It contains the following functions: - Visualising the challenges of the urban agenda - Repository of programmes, calls for proposals and forms of linkage. Space with programme resources with which to link to projects in the territory, includes information on existing programmes and can be accessed according to one's profile: student, municipality, researchers. - Information on the actors involved in transformation actions - Space with information about the actors in the UGR that participate in transfer and transformation actions in the territory. It focuses on including the agents that have already carried out actions, agreements, reports, etc., as a way of giving them recognition. - Information for the specific actions of the project Information space for specific actions to be taken, e.g. in a first phase the laboratories on climate change. The platform should allow us to highlight certain elements on the front page, showing a specific action we have on the agenda as the protagonist. - Space for transparency. Transparency space to include projects (contracts, agreements, etc.) that are made between UGR and Provincial Council of Granada and the municipalities. - Space for the service-learning programme of the University of Granada 2) Innovation lab process The organization of the innovation lab process is complex and have the following milestones: - Preparation of the process. - Launch of the call for laboratories. - Launch of the call for collaborators. - Opening event of the innovation lab process. - Development of the laboratories. - Final event for presentation of results and learning outcomes.
Rome Logistics Living Lab
Giacomo Lozzi, Ila Maltese, Riccardo Lozzi, Gabriele Iannaccone, Valerio Gatta, Edoardo Marcucci
Abstract
The origins: The main objective of the EU-funded CITYLAB project (2015-2018) was to develop knowledge and solutions that result in roll-out, up-scaling and further implementation of cost-effective strategies, measures and tools for emission-free city logistics in urban centres by 2030. The core of CITYLAB was establishing a set of living laboratories, where cities work as contexts for innovation and implementation processes for public and private measures contributing to increased efficiency and sustainable urban logistics. Some of the Living labs established in the project CITYLAB are still ongoing (Oslo, Rotterdam, Rome), after the project ending. CITYLAB has developed a methodology and a conceptual framework to set up local City Logistics Living Labs. The methodology is based on concrete case studies, that the seven partner cities have implemented over three years and in which local stakeholders have been involved. In the case of Rome, the case study promoted the co-design and co-creation of an innovative circular recycling system of plastic cups, that integrated direct and reverse logistic flows in the university area. The pilot's lessons learned were used on the one hand to define the City Logistics Living Lab Handbook, which draw upon the practical experiences of the cities involved, on the other hand to guide the activities of the Logistics Living Lab (LLL) of the city of Rome. The Logistics Living Lab of Rome: The LLL of Rome was established permanently in the wake of the CITYLAB project. This was formalized in 2019 through an administrative act by the Deputy Mayor for Transport, describing the LLL elements and its functioning. The LLL is a participatory co-creation laboratory that aims to systematically involve public and private actors of city logistics in Rome to carry out innovative and shared projects, in order to support the implementation of the freight-related measures included in the Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan of Rome. The LLL is owned by the Municipality, supported by the mobility agency (RSM), and managed by TRElab, the Transport Research Lab hosted by the Department of Political Science of the University of Roma Tre. In this framework, the stakeholders are actively engaged and motivated in testing and implementing innovative solutions and new business models, creating the best conditions for a successful deployment of the measures included in the SUMP (Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan). In the LLL, all stakeholders contribute to achieve an organic and integrated policy framework for the city's logistics, also in sustainable planning for the Rome Metropolitan area. Among LLL participants: Municipality and Metropolitan CIty of Rome, Lazio Region, ATAC (PT Operator), AICAI (Italian Association of international carriers), Confcommercio (National Association of Trade Enterprises), Amazon (logistics service provider), and Poste Italiane (postal company), the main couriers and logistics companies such as UPS, DPD Group, DHL, FedEx / TNT, GLS, FERCAM, FM Logistic, Spedire Roma, as well as cargo bikes couriers (CORRO, etc.) and manufacturers (Piaggio). The simultaneous presence of the Municipality of Rome, the Metropolitan City and the Lazio Region allows the LLL to tackle the critical issues of logistics from a multi-level governance perspective, trying to harmonize the regulatory approach and make the various public authorities be aware of each other’s actions. Several stakeholders have requested the LLL to support the launch and the roll-out of experimental projects for the optimization of the urban distribution of the last mile. In 2021, TRElab and RSM have therefore launched a Call for Ideas, to select relevant pilots. The projects range from recharging services for electric commercial vehicles, to systems for the collection of packaging with reverse logistics services, from hubs in the spaces of local markets to value-added services for riders. With the increase in e-commerce and the consequent fragmentation of deliveries, operators consider it essential to test and implement new delivery methods and business and operational models to make distribution more sustainable and optimized, also with the use of vehicles at zero emissions and cargo bikes. Some of the proposals have been embedded in ongoing projects or under preparation. Storytelling for stakeholder involvement. The L-3D project: TRElab intends to have a more formal structure of the LLL. An improved institutionalization of the LLL would be realized by having more actors as a member of the LLL. In the beginning of the LLL, TRElab intended to apply a bottom-up approach as to say to see what the participants would propose, and whoever wanted to participate in the discussion. Presently the intention is to narrow it down to more concrete activities. TRElab already has the credibility and the involvement of stakeholders. The added value of TRElab is that they are the intermediary element between supply and demand. TRElab provides the reliable, qualified and scientific third-party opinion. Stakeholders are actively engaged and motivated in testing and implementing innovative solutions and new business models, creating the best conditions for a successful deployment of the freight-related measures included in the SUMP. Also, stakeholders contribute to achieve an organic and integrated policy framework for urban logistics. However, the stakeholder analysis and engagement process require a segmentation of problems and stakeholders as different flows (e.g. waste, construction, parcel delivery, e-commerce, groceries and retail), involve different stakeholders and have different implications to manage urban freight. The design of the participatory process must take into account their different nature, as well as the different needs, priorities and strategies. In this regard, the project “L-3D - a new dimension of participation”, coordinated by TRElab and funded by the Lazio Region, uses storytelling techniques to improve stakeholder involvement dynamics in the decision-making process for urban logistics, thanks to the use of new technologies and innovative communication tools. The project develops and systematizes an innovative decision support system to facilitate stakeholder involvement and to assess the ex-ante acceptability of measures with specific reference to urban logistics, using storytelling techniques.
 

Panel 8.7 Living Labs in Italy and abroad: policy effectiveness, legitimacy, and capacity to produce public value (II)


Over the last decade, Living Labs have become very popular at the international and the Italian level as a novel approach to develop products, technologies, and services for the public sector. They rouse interests due to the collaborative and innovative methodology they adopt, based on quadruple helix partnerships among different categories of stakeholders - public administration, firms, research centers, and citizens – and on an experimental and user-centered approach. Living Labs are, in fact, spaces where different categories of actors interact to design, prototype, produce and test solutions to public problems with the support of experts belonging to research centers, NGOs or public administrations. The ‘lab approach’ spread around Europe also due to investments made by the European Union through the Seventh Framework Program, Horizon Europe, and Cohesion Policy 2014-2020 and the creation of the European Network of Living Labs (ENOLL).
Labs act in several policy fields such digitalization, circular economy, energy, mobility, aging, and housing, with the aim to engage citizens and stakeholders in developing solutions to traditional and/or wicked problems through collaborative experimentations.
In Italy Labs were established at the local level, in cities such as Turin, Milan, and Bologna, and in Regions like Veneto, Umbria, Lombardy, and Calabria, often funded by ERDF, to support innovation in firms and public administrations, and citizens’ digital literacy.
Whilst there has been a large diffusion of labs at the international level and in Italy, relatively little is known about their problem-solving effectiveness, and the way their results are mainstreamed into local, regional, and national policy-making processes. Moreover, more research is needed to assess important issues such as how accountability is ensured in public contexts, whether stakeholders and citizens engagement is real, open, and transparent, and what kind of public value they are promoting.
The panel welcomes both theoretical and empirical papers addressing those issues and analyzing Labs experiences in Italy and/or at the international level, also with a focus on cities and regions, presenting single case studies or adopting a comparative perspective.

Chairs: Giorgia Nesti, Stefania Ravazzi, Alessandro Sancino

Discussants: Alessandro Sancino, Giulio Citroni

Systematizing a kaleidoscopic system of City Labs: problems and complexities of transforming results in public value.
Erica Mangione, Loris Servillo, Monica Postiglione
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to present a set of City Labs organized in eight cities in the framework of the EU-funded H2020 research project SMARTDEST. The H2020 project involves twelve research centers and universities and aims at mapping, understanding, and framing on a theoretical level the processes through which new forms of mobilities (such as tourism and mobile dwelling) are reproducing new forms of social exclusion, imbalances, conflicts, and other ambivalent externalities in urban contexts. The effects of the pressure of new mobilities on the urban dimension can range from the rising cost of living, the congestion of public services, the housing shortages, the transformation of place identities to the marginalization of low-income workers and vulnerable inhabitants. Diverse governance structures, regulatory frameworks, as well as other local and contextual factors, determine important and significant variation on urban transformations and the consideration of these differences represent important insights in the construction of adequate political responses and place-based solutions. The new models of mobility which are characterizing the so-called “age of mobilities” are determining in fact similar processes but with distinct characteristics among diverse contexts. Nonetheless, the final objective is to develop innovative solution to social inclusion. On one hand, the project aims at improving the knowledge about these diverse effects of mobilities on cities. On the other, it aims at studying and in-depth analyzing the political, technological, and regulatory factors which are used and can be used to mitigate these negative externalities to produce a direct societal impact in urban contexts in which the project is contextualized. In connection with this second mission of the project, a City Labs in each of the eight cities involved in the Horizon 2020 project is conceived as participatory laboratory to improve the knowledge and information sharing, the collective diagnosis and the collaborative design of solution aiming at improving the sustainability of the local ecosystems. The cities and city-region where City Labs are going to be organized in the following months are: Amsterdam. Edinburgh, Venice, Lisbon, Jerusalem, Ljubljana, Turin, Barcelona. Among them, four cities are well known cases in which the growth of tourism mobilities already determined the rise of social imbalances and exclusion, while the other four cities can be considered new “hotspots” of specific dimension of broader urban dynamics induced by the rising dimension of short-term human mobility. After a case study phase that last for more than one year, this final part runs from the middle of 2022 to middle 2023 and the local stakeholders (civic, institutional, business and community’s actors) who were involved in the implementation of the case study analysis will be part of tailored laboratories. These Labs are meant to be opportunities to design and co-create solutions and to analyze and evaluate small-scale tactics such as social arrangements, regulatory and/or technological approaches, as well as management and planning innovations able to govern and/or to mitigate the negative externalities related to new forms of mobility. One of the main goals of the project is informing and upgrading urban policy with new instruments and knowledge about the challenges that new forms of mobilities represent and determine, sustaining social inclusion and cohesion. Consequently, a further fundamental objective of the project is to find innovative solutions to inform the design of alternative policy options able to avoid or to mitigate new and old forms of social exclusion related to urban transformation processes. The current phase of the project, which transforms the case studies in City Labs, is particularly challenging. While the City Labs share the project intentions and objectives, in operational terms they are rooted in the wicked problems identified during the case studies and the specific urban conditions. The 8 cases can be differentiated through some key variables. First, they differ in terms of effects induced by the tourism phenomena, and the tourism growth cycle. Some cities such as Venice, Barcelona, Jerusalem, Amsterdam, and Lisbon, are experimenting a long lasting phae of over-tourism dynamics while some other cities such as Edinburgh, Tourin and Ljubljana are not only in a diverse phase of the mobility cycle, but are also experimenting typologies of mobility related, for example to dynamics of festivalization, studentification, and workers’ mobility. Second, the forms of social exclusion addressed by each City Lab are different: • Exclusion of long-term residents from public space uses; creation of exclusive student-center housing market and some repercussions on the traditional housing market (Turin). • Social and spatial effects of labour precarity of tourism workers (Barcelona). • Unbalanced distribution of the wealth and revenue that is related to tourism, and to a neglect of tourism infrastructure in the Arab part (Jerusalem). • Social and spatial effects of labour precarity of tourism workers (Edinburgh). • Dichotomy residents versus visitors: conflict on uses of place and housing exclusion (Lisbon). • Various dynamics of resident’s expulsion/exclusion; mobility, housing, and retail (Venice). • Place transformation - The fabric, use and experience of the city (center) changed considerably, with the numerous hotels, restaurants, shops, and Airbnb locations catering visitors in (semi)public and private spaces. (Amsterdam). • Marginalization of smaller stakeholders in the broad tourism city strategy (Ljubljana). Third, differences among City Labs concern the specific “issue at stake” that each city lab should address. This aspect could concern - The unveiling of an unknown socio-spatial dynamics; - An ongoing or potential conflict due to (ex/implicit) forms of social exclusion - The exploration of opportunity of changes - The urgency of dealing with an emerged issue Labs are going to work on various policy fields and through diverse do-design methods and approaches, integrating analysis of adopted strategies and policies, the analysis of space conflicts and disparities, the analysis of the data availability and the way in which data could be publicly used. At the end of the process, each City Lab is expected to produce innovative approaches that can fit in the realm of urban planning and management strategies to cope with exclusion challenges related to new forms of mobilities and is expected to evaluate the effectiveness, level of concretion, innovativeness of these proposed strategies. Given this premise, the complexity of this kaleidoscopic system of SMARTDEST city labs is posing a series of practical as well as theoretical challenges. Participatory processes represent fundamental instruments not only for the construction of a broader understanding of our society, rather also for the creation of collective solutions, shared values, methodology and instruments to accompany urban transformative processes in a more innovative, inclusive and just direction. Despite the growing awareness and belief on that, still some important aspects of how these processes can be structured and systematized are not clear. Gaps still exist in the analysis and mainstreaming of the problem-solving effectiveness of living labs results, as well as on the way they produced outputs can be used in the creation of policy making processes at various levels (local, regional, and national). As coordinator of this last phase of the SMARTDEST project, we aim to present the described CityLabs’ general framework and the challenges its complexity poses to open the discussion on the following themes: • Each lab is a piece of a kaleidoscope within the overall project frame, rather than a research action that addresses the same topic in the same way in different cities. Hence, there is very little room for comparative aspects. The project requires a meta-framework in which to locate each piece of knowledge and action performed in the 8 labs. • In parallel, each methodology enriches a portfolio of possible local and co-design actions. The 8 teams will be involved in different strategies and scenarios, which form together an interesting set of methods and paths. • Finally, the ultimate challenge is to move from this complex system to a set of social innovation tools which can be replicated at a wider scale. This implies the establishment of a dialogue and an exchange of knowledge on the different obtained results with the aim of rescaling them and sharing them at the city, regional, and international levels. Conclusions The article presented the case study of the Smartdest H2020 project, which is now facing the challenge of setting up a network of eight living lab across Europe and beyond. The Smartest project aim to define a roadmap towards solutions to mitigate social exclusion drivers, which might concern and involve technological innovation, governance restructuring, and citizens’ empowerment. The ambitious objective of living labs is to find those innovative solutions to inform the design of alternative policy options able to avoid or to mitigate new and old forms of social exclusion related to urban transformation processes. The article shows a framework in which each living lab has got a different issue at stake, particularly in relation to forms of social exclusion. We analyze the many differences that characterize each living lab, in terms of the contexts they are embedded and the different research approaches of each research group. Since the work is still in progress, our conclusions are oriented to have a confrontation on the challenges as well as opportunities that such a complex process entails, wondering how to make this experience of parallel and kaleidoscopic living labs re-scalable.
Tackling wicked problems: the case of Living Labs
Federico Cuomo, Giorgia Nesti, Stefania Ravazzi
Abstract
Over the last years, wicked problems have received increasing attention, fostering the search for creative ways of tackling high uncertainty and complexity. As a consequence, new substantive and procedural policy instruments have been designed and experimented, including behavioral science-based tools and new forms of collaborative or networked policy making. Among these, so called ‘Living Labs’ (LL) have been spreading in many European countries to address complex problems such as sustainable growth, innovation, digitalization, IoT, aging society, food consumptions, and healthcare, also thanks to the impulse given by the European Commission from the Sixth Framework Program on. The urban scale, in particular, has seen a wide proliferation of this tool, which in these contexts has taken on the connotation of Urban Living Lab (ULL). ULLs consist of a vast range of experimental policies based on a citizen-centric approach aimed at designing, testing and evaluating innovative solutions in a real-life context. Although several case studies and some comparative analyses exist in the literature, the nature of this new policy instrument and its characteristics in relation to more traditional instruments have not yet been properly analyzed and discussed. In particular, despite the potential of the tool as well as its propensity to involve different actors in a flexible fashion have been highlighted, the kind of policy capacities that such processes manage to trigger remain largely unexplored. This paper aims at making a step forward in this direction through an extensive analysis of a medium-N sample of Living labs selected from the European Network of Living Labs (ENOLL). This highly inductive theoretical analysis will serve not only to better understand the intrinsic qualities of this new policy instrument and the peculiar mechanisms it is expected to trigger, but also its potential and its pitfalls in terms of the overall capacity of politico-administrative systems to cope with wicked problems.
Urban Digital Center – Innovation Lab di Rovigo e l’uso dei dati aperti a supporto di decisioni di policy sostenibili per le città
Alberto Bonora
Abstract
Il Comune di Rovigo, in forma associata con i Comuni di Villadose e Adria, nel quadro del POR FESR 2014-2020 azione 2.3.1, ha ottenuto il finanziamento del bando per la costituzione di un Innovation Lab, spazio progettato come centro pubblico aperto a cittadini, associazioni, liberi professionisti ed imprese del territorio, in cui promuovere un avvicinamento delle comunità al mondo digitale, in un’ottica di Open Innovation. All’interno di questo contesto si colloca la partnership intrapresa tra il comune capofila con l’Università Iuav di Venezia, dove è stata avviata una sperimentazione mirata ad attivare la progettazione di un percorso di animazione territoriale all’interno di Innovation Lab e delle palestre digitali del territorio ad esso associate, con attenzione ai temi delle trasformazioni urbane e territoriali e alla valorizzazione di Open Data innovativi a supporto di decisioni di policy. In quest’ottica, l’Università Iuav di Venezia, mediante il gruppo di ricerca del Planning Climate Change Lab, ha sviluppato un percorso di animazione territoriale che comprendesse, oltre ad un’attività divulgativa e seminariale sui diversi Obiettivi di Sviluppo Sostenibile (SDGs) dell’Agenda Onu 2030, un’attività di mappatura partecipata proprio su questi temi – opportunamente declinati su scala locale - che fosse in grado di abbracciare le dimensioni del digitale e dell’Open Data. Questo percorso di animazione territoriale è stato particolarmente utile per coinvolgere, da una parte, la cittadinanza nella produzione di nuovi dati territoriali e, dall’altra, le Pubbliche Amministrazioni (PA) del territorio nell’utilizzo innovativo e nel reperimento di dataset, tradizionali e non, utili ad essere messi in sinergia con i primi per tentare di dare vita ad un nuovo tipo di analisi. In particolare, l’attività partecipata con la popolazione è avvenuta mediante specifici questionari online tramite l’utilizzo di un sistema di WebGIS Survey come tecnologia cartografica interattiva in grado di sistematizzare il dato per ciascun quartiere e/o frazione del territorio in oggetto, permettendo inoltre l’individuazione mediante punti, linee ed aree di fenomeni presenti nel territorio. L’esperienza rappresenta un caso pilota nel tentativo di calare le percezioni della popolazione locale all’interno di un sistema georiferito di rappresentazione di dati territoriali sui temi della sostenibilità a supporto di iniziative di policy locale.