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Section 13. Nuove sfide nel Mediterraneo globale (New Challenges in the ‘Global’ Mediterranean)

Chairs: Rosita Di Peri, Stefania Panebianco

I processi in corso nella sponda sud del Mediterraneo stanno, sempre di più, avendo importanti ripercussioni nei paesi della sponda nord evidenziando legami storici e connessioni che la globalizzazione ha reso, per certi versi, ancora più marcati. Il fallimento delle politiche intraprese dall’Unione Europea e dai singoli stati membri, ha contribuito a rendere ancora più palese lo sbilanciamento delle relazioni tra le due sponde portando alla crescita della già forte asimmetria. Tale fallimento, reso ancora più evidente dalla crisi economica del 2008 prima e dall’esplosione delle rivolte arabe del 2011 dopo, ha avuto conseguenze rilevanti nelle relazioni tra le due parti, rendendone i confini sempre più porosi e sfumati. Da qui la nozione di ‘Mediterraneo Globale’, un concetto che sottolinea l’impossibilità di scindere i destini dei continenti che si affacciano sul Mediterraneo sempre più interconnessi da un punto di vista politico, economico e della sicurezza.
Partendo da tale nozione, questa sezione intende indagare le sfide alla sicurezza nel Mediterraneo e i processi di cooperazione volti ad affrontare i problemi comuni. Questi processi mettono in discussione confini e politiche, guardano alla costruzione di nuove reti transnazionali (di cooperazione ma anche criminali e del terrore), vedono il riconsolidarsi di vecchie alleanze clientelari e di potere laddove elementi democratici sembravano essersi fatti strada.
La sezione accetterà panels che:
- Indaghino flussi transnazionali cruciali per la regione quali terrorismo, migrazioni, sfruttamento delle risorse energetiche e investimenti economico-finanziari;
- Analizzino, anche in chiave comparata, le traiettorie di cambiamento intraprese dai paesi toccati direttamente o indirettamente, dalle rivolte arabe (Egitto, Tunisia, Siria, Libano, Marocco, ecc.);
- Propongano nuovi strumenti analitici per affrontare l’evoluzione dei nuovi conflitti (interni ed esterni) e le loro connessioni a livello mondiale;
- Offrano prospettive innovative sullo studio dei nuovi equilibri regionali soffermandosi anche sul ruolo di attori esterni rilevanti (Iran, Russia, Cina, ecc.).
La sezione accetterà panels che affrontino i temi proposti sia da una prospettiva teorica sia empirica.

The New Challenges to the ‘Global’ Mediterranean
The processes affecting the southern shore of the Mediterranean Sea and their impact on the northern shores, underline historical paths and connections strengthened by the globalization processes. The relative failure of the policies of the European Union and of its member States has increased an already evident asymmetry. This failure, alimented by the 2008 crisis before and by the 2011 Arab uprisings then, is transforming the relations between the two sides making the borders between them more blurred and porous. From this reasoning the notion of “Global Mediterranean” seems to emerge. This label underlines the difficulty to split the destinies of the continents facing the Mediterranean Sea, an area more and more interconnected from a political, economic and security point of view.
Starting from the notion of “Global Mediterranean”, the section seeks to analyse the challenges to security in the Mediterranean region as well as the cooperation processes aimed at facing common problems.
This section welcomes panels that:
- investigate crucial transnational fluxes in the region such as terrorism, migration, exploitation of energy resources and financial investment;
- analyse, also in a comparative perspective, the trajectories of change of the countries directly or indirectly involved in the Arab uprisings (Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Lebanon, Morocco, etc.);
- offer analytical tools to investigate the evolution of new conflicts (at the domestic and International level) and their connections at the global level;
- suggest innovative perspectives on the study of the new regional balance of power also involving the study of external crucial actors (Iran, Russia, China, etc.)
The Section welcomes panels presenting original empirical studies with strong theoretical bases and comparative analyses.
 

Panel 13.1 In-Between Borders and Boundaries in the ‘Global Mediterranean’: realities and representations


Borders Studies are experiencing a revival in the Middle East, especially after 2011. The breakdown of the Iraqi, Syrian, Libyan and Yemenite States opened the door to a State’s re/definition, following the rise of the organization of the Islamic State. In this context of political changes and sovereignty challenges in the Middle East, it may sounds timely to explore the current types of in -between borders and boundaries that appeared, persisted or changed. It appears intriguing, in fact, how the issue of borders became central to the analysis and representation of the region giving rise to a sort of ‘collective hallucination’ (Neep 2015). Three types of borders will be explored here: The demilitarized areas that usually are located along a border between two States at war and patrolled by UN troops; Restricted areas/safe areas, usually near a sensitive border, defined either by the State itself or by external powers set up to secure areas for different military/humanitarian/political purposes; No man’s land between the two border posts previously described as ‘frontiers’ and today’s waiting areas or humanitarian cordon. In terms of boundaries, the meaning of inbetweeness is palpable through the changing political patterns and shifting meanings of reality. While the first category of space primarily raise the concern about sovereignty, the general concern for both in -between borders/boundaries relates to the type of identities those spaces (re)defined in terms of representation as well as for living conditions (status, rights). In proposing an exploration of those types of in -between spaces from several points of view, this panel intends to read beyond the political strategies and decipher meaningful dynamics at stake in the current reshaping of the Middle East. In so doing, it will accept papers that discuss conceptual tools to describe the double dimensions of empirical and symbolic reality at stake thanks to notions like heterotopia (“non lieu”), networked borders (Popescu, 2012) or borderities (Amilhat-Szary & Giraud, 2015).

Chairs: Rosita Di Peri, Daniel Meier

Discussants: Francesco Mazzucotelli

Youth as a new ‘foreign policy challenge’ in MENA. A critical interrogation of EU and US youth policies in Morocco and Tunisia
Daniela Huber (d.huber@iai.it)
AbstractIt is not only since January 2011 and the so-called ‘youth revolutions’ that youth has become a key concept through which Europeans and Americans are viewing the Arab world. Since the 2000s, youth has increasingly entered EU foreign policies in MENA and the revised neighbourhood policy has in fact devoted an entire section to youth unemployment. But are EU policies contributing to the inclusion of youth? Based on discourse analysis and a comparative approach with US policies, this article argues that the EU and the US have framed youth exclusively in relation to their ideal vision of a liberal order in the region as an asset, challenge or threat. This has in turn justified foreign policies which are pushing for a further liberalisation of the labour market in these countries and which reproduce gendered images of young Muslim men as terror threats and threats to women, young Muslim women as victims and non-productive. While the Arab uprisings have resisted this discourse and practice of Western actors, they have not succeeded to change them; Western policies remain resilient.

Filming fragmented spaces, narratives of the civil wars in Lebanon and Syria
Thomas Richard (Thomthou@aol.com)
AbstractThe aim of this study is to try to understand the impact of the fragmentation of the civil space in the narrations of the civil wars of Lebanon and Syria. In both cases, space has been deeply fragmented by the war, with territories controlled by warring factions, especially in the cities, where the fragmentation is most obvious, and a particular emphasis put on the question of exile and refugees, fragmenting even more the national community. Through the study of films such as Zozo, West-Beirut, or Silvered water, our goal is to understand how these fragmentations have been narrated through films, and how they have influenced the way these wars are envisioned, the Lebanese case shedding some light on the Syrian ongoing conflict. This way, we will isolate the leitmotivs of the destruction and transformation of the territory in Middle Eastern civilian conflicts, such as the refugee camps, the sniper alleys, the no man’s lands, and understand more how interactions between actors are narrated in this new environment. Beyond, we will be able to draw a map of the narrative landscape of fragmentation, both in Syria and Lebanon, and, following the refugee narrative, on a more global scale.

« This is not an ordinary border » The waiting zone (istirâha) of Jericho during the crossing of the Allenby Bridge
Véronique Bontemps (veronek@gmail.com)
AbstractThe Allenby/King Hussein Bridge holds a particular place within the border system imposed by Israel on the Palestinian Occupied Territories: for Palestinian West Bankers, it is indeed their only exit to Jordan, thus to the « outside world ». In this article, I seek to analyse the place of the waiting zone (istirâha) of Jericho within the Israeli system of control on Palestinian circulations at this particular crossing point. I describe how, through maintaining the ambiguous status of this zone, Palestinian authorities find themselves indeed involved in the management of the crossing. I first take a historical perspective in order to describe the context in which the istirâha was created. I then expose how the different actors at play during the crossing try to justify their action in this particular place. I contend that while struggling to improve – as much as possible – the conditions of crossing for Palestinian passengers, these actors yet find themselves forced to play a role in maintaining the regime of control of Palestinian mobility imposed by Israel (along with the Jordanian State).

Border Networks, and Global-National flows: Jordan and the 2016 ‘Supporting Syria and the Region Donors Conference’
Paul Esber (paul.esber@sydney.edu.au)
AbstractWhile Popescu focuses his analysis of borderlands on geography and state-territory, this paper adopts a more de-territorialised approach by conceiving of an international conference as a borderland. The case study with which this is examined, is the ‘Supporting Syria and the Region Donors Conference’, held in London between the third and fourth of February 2016. Specifically, we focus on the address given to delegates by King Abdullah II of Jordan. Since Syria’s spiral into civil war, Jordan has hosted over one million refugees, having fled across the border. Yet as a state with chronic budget shortfalls and high unemployment, the scale of refugee arrivals has threatened the domestic stability long enjoyed in a turbulent region. This in turn if unaddressed may weaken the position of the Hashemite regime, which without financial assistance from international and transnational networks has a limited capacity to manage the dual pressures of a territorialised citizenship and the de-territorialised refugee population. The international conference has long been a tool of inter-state diplomacy. However, if Popescu’s exegesis on the evolving shape, function and meaning of borders is correct, then the international conference as a site of politicking has more to offer scholars when conceived of as a borderland; one of networks, flows and global-national interplays. As this paper will assert, the international conference is a borderland, a space identified by Popescu as an ‘in-between’ space with a social, economic, political, institutional or cultural landscape. Indeed an international conference such as the one under discussion possesses all of these landscapes. It is furthermore, a temporary space established between the national and international, which provides an opening for flows between the local and global. It is therefore a site facilitative of networking and the networked border. More than this, conceiving of a conference as a borderland assists scholars and analysts in comprehending its sometimes existential significance. Resultantly the ‘Supporting Syria and the Region’ conference becomes a site where solutions to domestic dilemmas can be found through the flow of capital from the global community, across the borderland of the conference, to the level of the state and below that, local communities. Elucidating this dynamic is the chief objective of this paper.

 

Panel 13.2 Managing the Migration Crisis in the Mediterranean: actors, processes and approaches (I)


Migration has entered the EU agenda as one of the most prominent challenges of current times. Migration flows across the Mediterranean have acquired enormous proportions and the central Mediterranean in particular has become an extremely dangerous route. Yet, EU member states are finding it hard to agree on a common migration policy and are more inclined to adopt burden-shifting strategies instead of burden-sharing solutions. The most recent EU documents (on the one hand the European Agenda of Migration of May 2015, on the other European Council Conclusions on migration) reveal that EU institutions and EU member states are entrapped in the dilemma between security and humanitarian approaches, between closing the EU internal and external borders or conducting search and rescue operations and relocate migrants within EU member states.
These issues have mostly attracted the scholarly attention, providing explanations of contingent cause factors versus long-term trends of migration, identifying local versus regional/international responsibilities, disentangling inclusion or integration processes from exclusion and intolerance.
This panel is focused on:
a) relevant actors involved in the management of migration flows in the Mediterranean (both state and non-state actors share the burden hosting migrants);
b) emerging strategies to manage migration in the Mediterranean, from relocation to SAR operations; from the creation of hotspots to the adoption of a European Coast guard;
c) different approaches and perspectives adopted by relevant actors to manage migration in the Mediterranean.
A critical stance towards EU cooperation on migration issues and the lack of adequate coordination to face the migration crisis is expected from the proposed papers. Both theoretically oriented and empirically based papers are welcome.

Chairs: Stefania Panebianco

Discussants: Stefania Panebianco

Thinking Beyond Human Rights: Refugee Crisis and its Lessons
Filip Balunovic (filip.balunovic@sns.it)
Abstract The central concern of my paper is lack of radical emancipatory potential in contemporary paradigm of human rights. This paper will be rather a theoretical contribution to the attempts of finding the way out from the conceptual deadlock in which contemporary paradigm of human rights has been placed by the new reality. In light of recent refugee crisis which has illuminated all the practical limitations and indeed, contradictions of the very paradigm which should have guaranteed protection of human rights for all the refugees escaping from wars in the Middle East, I will argue that we need to initiate the process of requisitioning the contemporary concept of human rights. Initially, I will deal with proving both theoretically and empirically the existence of inconsistency between the nominal aim of the human rights paradigm and its practical implications. This should lead me towards suggesting the new paradigm, which would not rely upon essentialist assumptions, but rather show what we have learned from the last experience of the refugee crisis and illumination of contradictions inherent to the contemporary concept of human rights. It is almost a common sense that after two world wars and the tendency of primarily European powers towards self – destruction, both Europe and the world had to come up with a certain peace strategy, internationally. With the creation of the United Nations and its main body Security Council, international security has become the most important issue for the world leaders and their administrations. However, at the very beginning, certain contradictions occurred. One of the most visible is the large gap which divides security issue from its counterpart embodied in the UN system of human rights. On one hand, the UN has introduced the link between human rights and the notion of human dignity – which directly represented reaction to the massive crimes during the World War Two. (Habermas, 2011:15) On the other side, as already indicated, the crucial issue after the Second World War was security. At the beginning of the human rights development process therefore, the clash between human rights and security has taken place. That means that human rights in its contemporary meaning, as rights guaranteed not only by “natural order of things” or national constitutions – but understood as the foundation to the international law and finally, achieved agreement among international actors, have been introduced only conditionally. All the declarations passed by the UN which have been legally adopted by the member states, were to be applicable only where their applicability did not affect national or international security. The first question out of this contradiction is related to the security itself. One can rightfully wonder, whose security are we talking about when we talk about national or international security? On behalf of whose security, human rights may be suspended? The first set of answers now days would focus upon international security. Terrorism and the “unconventional”, non - national enemy threatens global security. Second set of answers would go in the direction of national security. It seems today like no human rights declaration can prevent national governments from Bulgaria to Hungary, Italy and Spain, United States or Israel to build walls and fences on their borders in order to “protect” their territory either from the neighbor enemy or influx of migrants, refuges and asylum seekers from all over the world. No matter whether we take into account Israeli policy towards Gaza and the West Bank, US neighborhood and Middle East policy, the coast of Lampedusa in the south of Italy, Bulgarian fence along its border with Turkey, Hungarian wall along its (and the EU's) southern border with Serbia, the recent agreement between the EU and Turkey, “closing the Balkan route” or cases alike. All of them are paradigmatic for what I would call the primacy of security over respect of human rights. But again, what is exactly to be found behind the notions of national and international security? Regarding the US for instance, Noam Chomsky tackles the issue of human rights in his “How the world functions” and follows the economist Edward Herman who claims that the US aid has nothing to do with how much a certain country needs aid. On the contrary, the key player in the international relations today, the United States of America, finances mainly governments who are openly torturing its own people and violating their human rights in front of eyes of the whole world. Herman thus brings the two, US aid and torture, in a direct correlation, claiming that both serve for the improving the climate for business operations (Chomsky, 2011:25). If we know that different kinds of financial aid worldwide from the US and other international or national funds, have been transferred rather to governments who showed “willingness to serve the interests of wealth and privilege” (ibid.) - does this mean that security equals security for capital? It certainly does, I would argue. No doubt that security also means securing physical existence, in Hobbesian sense of meaning. However, we may pose a question what is more important from the aspect of security – human life or capital flow? The answer is surprisingly simple: depends whose life we are talking about. In the new era after the Cold war, even mainstream liberal authors started questioning the paradigm of human rights: Michael Ignatieff, the liberal ‘human rights warrior, seemed to agree and wondered ‘Is the Human Rights Era Ending? Ignatieff feared that in the wake of the terrorist attacks, security would become the prime concern of governments and the age of human rights and humanitarianism would draw to a close. (Douzinas, 2007:4) This brings us to the second contradiction in the contemporary human rights paradigm. Namely, human rights have become an ideological tool in the hands of the powerful instead of being an end in itself, or as Costas Douzinas wrote, “human rights have been turned from a discourse of rebellion and dissent into that of state legitimacy”. (Douzinas, 2000:7) The contemporary paradigm of human rights therefore, has never been contradictory either to the contemporary (global) capitalism as the general platform of domination. On the contrary, this paradigm has been ever since either supporting or even producing political and economic crises and thereby human suffering on both global and national level. Human rights, as the most recent concept of rights, have furthermore, served to the system either as an ideological instrument with an aim to prevent radical emancipation or, to additionally legitimize and straighten the existing state of affairs. What we need today is, therefore, either a new paradigm or the discovery of a radical potential within the old one. Having in mind finally, that the impotency of legal framework to protect human rights of refugees now days, originates already in the concept itself, I will reject the possibility of discovering the radical emancipatory potential within the existing paradigm. This means that in order to deal with all the challenges of the present refugee crisis we need to think beyond human rights. One possible direction could be towards anti – essentialist definition, which would not claim any “inherent value of humans”, but suggest radical solutions in order to save the humans from human rights’ impotency.

Political narrative of the migration crisis: does partisanship make a difference?
Stella Gianfreda (s.gianfreda@sssup.it)
AbstractA popular claim in immigration research, is that left-wing and right-wing parties are equally restrictive vis-à-vis policies to control immigration, while left-wing parties are more liberal when it comes to integrate already-resident immigrants into society (Money, 1999, Givens and Luedkte, 2005). However, more recent quantitative studies have disproved this hypothesis, showing none or little but insignificant difference between policy outcomes of leftist and rightist governments (Akkerman, 2012; De Haas and Natter, 2015). This paper aims, as a preliminary stage for further research, at drawing on this literature strand and re-test Money’s hypothesis in the current migration crisis through a content and discourse analysis. The research questions addressed by this paper are the following: to what extent do left-wing and right-wing parties differ in immigration framing and cuing? Is there a politicization of the issue? To what extent national and european parties framing of migration issue differ? In order to answer these questions, I will first analyse a selected number of debates carried out in national parliamentary committees dealing with immigration in Italy and UK. Then, I will compare them with the debates carried out at the European Parliament around the most recent EU developments (the European Agenda of Migration, the EU-Turkey agreement, the European Council Conclusions on migration). The country choice will allow to explore not only the left-right but also the north-south cleavages, and evaluate their importance in defining the migration crisis in the Mediterranean. The analysis will be performed in the timeframe between May 2015 and June 2016. This choice is justified by two events that can be considered as important proxies for the impact of immigration on party politics: the Commission’s proposal of the European Agenda of Migration and the Brexit Referendum. Ultimately, this paper brings a contribution into the debate on politicization of migration, assessing how migration issue is framed by leftwing vs. right-wing parties at the national and european level.

The European Union and the International Organizations (UNHCR and IOM) Cooperation in the Management of the Mediterranean Migration Crisis.
Rosa Rossi (rossiro@unict.it)
AbstractThe European Union mainstream approach to the migration issues has followed the securitization pattern for several years: basically implementing restrictive measures to immigration and rising external borders control. Regarding with special attention the Mediterranean area, the conflicts, disorders and political transitions that followed the Arab Springs were an expected drivers of the increase in the rates of migrants’ and refugees’ flows since 2011, still the overwhelming migrants flows disclosed EU’s lack of policy coordination and burden-sharing to cope with the crisis. The interest of the present paper is to identify the role of International Organizations (IOs) and EU in the management of the crisis. Since the way the crisis is perceived and detected affects the whole management process and in particular the decision-making tasks, firstly the paper attempts to identify IOs contribution in the several tasks of a trans-boundary crisis management. It is assumed, in particular, that the decline in the inter-institutional cooperation between EU and IOs in the crisis management of the migration issues in the Mediterranean should be contextualized in a more broad framework of the international political system, characterized by a declining international role of humanitarian IOs and to a contemporary rise of nationalistic and isolationistic responses.

 

Panel 13.2 Managing the Migration Crisis in the Mediterranean: actors, processes and approaches (II)


Migration has entered the EU agenda as one of the most prominent challenges of current times. Migration flows across the Mediterranean have acquired enormous proportions and the central Mediterranean in particular has become an extremely dangerous route. Yet, EU member states are finding it hard to agree on a common migration policy and are more inclined to adopt burden-shifting strategies instead of burden-sharing solutions. The most recent EU documents (on the one hand the European Agenda of Migration of May 2015, on the other European Council Conclusions on migration) reveal that EU institutions and EU member states are entrapped in the dilemma between security and humanitarian approaches, between closing the EU internal and external borders or conducting search and rescue operations and relocate migrants within EU member states.
These issues have mostly attracted the scholarly attention, providing explanations of contingent cause factors versus long-term trends of migration, identifying local versus regional/international responsibilities, disentangling inclusion or integration processes from exclusion and intolerance.
This panel is focused on:
a) relevant actors involved in the management of migration flows in the Mediterranean (both state and non-state actors share the burden hosting migrants);
b) emerging strategies to manage migration in the Mediterranean, from relocation to SAR operations; from the creation of hotspots to the adoption of a European Coast guard;
c) different approaches and perspectives adopted by relevant actors to manage migration in the Mediterranean.
A critical stance towards EU cooperation on migration issues and the lack of adequate coordination to face the migration crisis is expected from the proposed papers. Both theoretically oriented and empirically based papers are welcome.

Chairs: Stefania Panebianco

Discussants: Sonia Lucarelli

Humanitarianism and Human Rights. The Delocalized Mediterranean Border Between Exclusion and Inclusion
Paolo Cuttitta (p.cuttitta@vu.nl)
AbstractThis paper has a twofold aim. First, it analyses the relationship between humanitarianism and human rights. Human rights do not only exceed restrictive interpretations of humanitarianism, but are also exceeded by broader ones. The paper demonstrates that they are part of the process of humanitarianization of the Mediterranean EU border. The question is which understanding of humanitarianism is dominant and which and whose human rights are and can be in fact invoked and enforced by what subjects, where and under what conditions. Secondly, the paper analyses the Italian operation Mare Nostrum and, more generally, Italian humanitarianized border management in the Central Mediterranean. Mare Nostrum paved the way for further ‘humanitarian’ border policing operations and served as a ritual confirmation of sovereign power over life and death. More generally, humanitarianism contributes to the legitimation and implementation of exclusionary policies and practices, as well as to the subordinate inclusion of migrants into the European space, which can go beyond human rights obligations. In both its exclusionary and inclusionary dimension, humanitarianism transcends and expands territorial boundaries by outsourcing responsibilities for inhumanity and enhancing delocalized border management.

The Informal Europeanization of EU Member State Immigrant Integration Policies
Silvia Cavasola (scavasola@luiss.it)
AbstractFor years the EU has been fostering a common policy to integrate immigrants. Yet, whether its efforts have progressively created something like a homogeneous European model of integration remains an open question. An analysis of the approach to immigrant integration in the EU member states that receive the largest immigration flows, as well as of EU initiatives to promote greater policy harmonization among its member states, shows that partial convergence in national integration strategies is linked more to interstate emulation and parallel path development than to proactive EU legislation on the matter. This trend can be referred to as a process of “informal Europeanization”.

Immigration policies in European perspective: same problem, different approaches, various solutions
Andrea De Petris (a.depetris@unifortunato.eu)
AbstractThe massive and partially unexpected wave of new asylum seekers who have reached many European countries in recent years has forced to re-think several reception and management policies regarding immigrants and refugees. The present paper aims to describe the different approaches followed by those countries which had recently the most to deal with the immigration phenomenon: Italy, Germany, Greece, Sweden. The quickening of ongoing asylum procedures, partial temporary suspension of the Dublin agreement, border controls and the monitoring of refugees‘ location on territory, related fiscal and social policies, changes in asylum legislation, accelerated repatriation of refused asylum-seekers without a passport, and special procedures for certain asylum-seekers, were some of the most relevant measures i.E. enacted by the German government in recent months. Furthermore, the federal structure of the German State made it necessary to establish coordination policies with regional and local bodies, in order to provide the necessary support to the geographic areas most affected by the recent migratory phenomena and to achieve an equal redistribution of migrants and refugees throughout the nation. The second step of the German strategy concerns the integration of all those migrants and refugees who will be allowed to stay in the future, added to the hundreds of thousands who are already permanently hosted in the country. Language courses, preferential distribution of refugees in regions with good employment opportunities, prompt transition to normal living situations, information for the local population, cooperation with parishes, associations, schools, companies, and civil society as a whole, and the recruitment of new teachers in primary, secondary and high schools are all considered crucial measures for successful integration. Italy choose a different strategy, moving from a very effective rescue and first aid action to a sort of criminalization of migrants arrived on Italian soil, and a sometimes reduced attention to the integration policies. Greece had to react to the massive immigration wave of recent months in a moment of dramatic economic and social internal crisis, with expectable consequences for the effectivity of the immigration policies. Swedish institutions tried to provide very effective assistance in terms of acceptation and integrations of migrants and asylum seekers in the last years: thus, critical reaction in the public opinion registered in recent times could also affect the country's strategy and lead Sweden to adopt more conservative policies in this branch. Through a brief but clear analysis of the Immigrations' policies adopted in these countries, this paper aims to stress the characters of the different national approaches and verify which ones could result more effective and helpful in treating such a complex and relevant phenomenon.

When Responsibility to Protect ‘hits home’: The EU and the Syrian crisis
Iole Fontana (iole.fontana@imtlucca.it), Stefania Panebianco (stefania panebianco)
AbstractThis paper seeks to assess the EU conceptualization and implementation of the R2P principle towards Syria, both during violence escalation and during the following refugee crisis. It looks at EU discourses and practices by disentangling R2P three main pillars and goes beyond the traditional and narrow interpretations of R2P, on the assumption that a broader view is more appropriate to analyse the current crises and its management. By framing the Syrian refugee crisis within the R2P discourse, the article offers new theoretical and empirical research perspectives. Whereas EU implementation of R2P towards Syria was hampered by international constraints and domestic divisions, the EU and its Member States can still take immediate and significant steps by reframing EU migration and asylum policies as an instrument of R2P and by addressing the issue of refugees on the European territory.

 

Panel 13.3 New Forms of Religious and Secular Female Participation in the Mediterranean Region (I)


Women, gender roles, and female participation in the public realm recently rose to prominence as key issues to investigate the current social and political transformations in the Mediterranean region. From the 1980s, a wide literature (Arat 2012; Saktanber 2006; Cooke 2007; Zayzafoon 2005; Ask and Tjomsland 1998) has explored women’s participation and/or mobilisation within Islamic movements and parties. Moreover, the debates over the “Islamic feminism” (Mernissi 1991; Badran 2009; Moghissi 1999; Braidotti 2008; Moghadam 2002) enriched the picture by directing the spotlights on the redefinition of gender roles within religious circles, parties and institutions.
Besides such a religiously motivated female engagement, the heterogeneity of women participating in social and political movements all over the MENA region gained the interest of scholars who analysed women’s activism in protests, especially during the so called “Arab springs” (Khamis 2011; Bennoune 2012). Five years after the revolts, women’s political and/or religious engagement turned to be either silenced, eclipsed by state repression, or transformed: women’s militancy being institutionalised, included within state bureaucracy; or rather represented by associations closed to –unless embedded with– the governments (Göçmen 2014). Yet, it was exactly from these precarious and evolving niches that women find their ways for expressing their public role, in some cases in the context of new institutional arrangements related to the religion/state boundaries.
In the light of these considerations, the categories of mobilisation and participation seem indeed inadequate both at the theoretical and practical levels. Hence the necessity to focus on the everyday experiences of women engaged in movements, parties, NGOs, institutions in the Mediterranean region. The panel invites contributions that critically call into questions the forms and meanings of female engagement in the religious and secular public realm. In particular, it analyses the scope and scale of female participation by asking: How concretely does it occur? Which factors/actors contribute in enhancing it? To what extent the current political and social transformations have contributed in redefine it?
Designed as a space of dialogue and encounter, the panel promotes original models of interpretation based on different contexts and experiences. It strongly welcomes contributions based on empirical researches (both single cases studies or larger analyses), envisaging an interdisciplinary perspective and employing ethnographic and comparative methodologies.

Chairs: Chiara Maritato

Discussants: Sara Borrillo

Female religious participation in Istanbul. Listening to the vaizeler's sermons in Diyanet's mosques.
Chiara Maritato (chiara.maritato@unito.it)
AbstractThe article is the result of one-year fieldwork in Istanbul different neighborhoods attending the sermons and religious sessions of female preachers (vaizeler) employed by the Turkish Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet). Starting from the early 2000s, the latter, a bureaucratic agency considered one of the emblems of Turkish secularism (laiklik), has increased the number and competences of the vaizeler working all over the country. Investigating the forms and meaning of this policy, this contribution casts light on the vaizeler’s everyday engagement providing women with official religion knowledge and moral guidance. In this sense, the observations of the vaizeler’s sessions and the dialogues originating within such a female-only spaces would enhance the debate on the heterogeneous female religious participation in contemporary Turkey. Moreover, it would contribute in questioning how piety as a set of practices is publicly performed through daily exercises.

Islamist Girl Power? Women, Muslim and Democrat: Rise of a New Generation of Leaders
sophie LEMIERE (sophie.lemiere@gmail.com), Sophie LEMIERE (sophie.lemiere@gmail.com)
AbstractThis paper, based on on-going comparative ethnographic researches, looks at the rise of young women Muslim democrats in Islamist or Muslim parties in a order to grasp the feminine, and sometimes feminist, re-definition of the Islamic tradition and Islamist or Muslim democrats discourse. It explores the modes of transmission of political struggle and ideologies, from fathers to daughters, and from mothers, whether passive or active Islamists, to daughters. Finally, it examines the challenges posed to their ascensions within their parties and society by analysing how these women are re-appropriating conservative Islamic codes, other cultural or religious practices, and the social and political concepts inherent to their respective local and global context, in order to secure legitimate ascension in their parties and societies. Following the Arab Spring, two worldly recognized Islamist leaders, Anwar Ibrahim, the imprisoned figures of the Malaysian opposition, and Rached Ghannouchi, president of the party Ennahdha , have advanced the notion of their concept of “Muslims Democrats.” This notion transcends the French-borrowed concept of “Islamist” in an attempt to globally unite the “Muslim Democrats of the World” . Their discourse has raised suspicions; it has been rejected by some and embraced by others. Despite the scepticism and ideological tensions, their vision is being actively and globally promoted and enriched by two young women: in Tunisia, Sayida Ounissi is one of Ghannoucchi’s niece, and the daughter of one of the party founder. And in Malaysia, Nurul Izzah Anwar is Anwar Ibrahim’s daughter. Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan, Roza Otunbayva in Kyrgystan, Megawati Sukarno Putri in Indonesia (etc): female Muslim leaders are seen a pioneers at the forefront of the empowerment of women in Muslim-majority countries and more generally the empowerment of women on a global scale. The younger generation of women Muslim leaders have forged their political struggle and discourse in the post-9/11 context. More recently, they have surfed the wave of hope and disillusion of the Spring revolution(s). A major difference with the first generation of female Muslim leaders is that the younger generation’s political identity is strongly grounded in Islamic references. They are or have labelled themselves) as Islamists, Islamist democrats or Muslim democrats that propose an alternative to the exclusive secular discourse. The parliament member Sayida Ounissi, and the opposition leader and parliament member Nurul Izzah Anwar, are both daughters, of Islamist leaders whose political engagement have led to harassment, prison and torture. Interestingly, the inheritance of their political struggle was passed on to the next generation as daughters and nieces of prominent politicians have been pushed at the forefront of the political scene. Yet this is in opposition with the expectations often held of Muslim or Islamist environment, which would assume that power would be transmitted to the next male generation. This project goes beyond the common assumptions and clichés of the veil oppressed Muslim women, the question of the compatibility between Islam and democracy or Islam and feminism. Instead, it explores the genuine and challenging role of a new generation of female leaders, in Muslim democrats or Islamist parties, in Muslim majority countries from Rabat to Jakarta.

Tunisian Female diaspora leaders in Italy: A study of transnational practices, roles and engagement in sending and receiving societies in the years of democratic transition
Chiara Cancellario (ccancellario@luiss.it)
AbstractThe aim of the paper is to analyse, under a qualitative perspective, the role of female diaspora leaders (residing in Italy) in the Tunisian transition, with the aim of understanding the patterns of mobilization and their support, guidance and influence within migrant’s community in Europe and within home country. In particular, it will give relevance to women activism in Ngos and diaspora-based associations, highlighting the role of female subjectivity in the processes and practices related to the creation of community linkages, civic education of the youngest within migrant’s communities and political engagement. The methodology chosen for the paper is qualitative: together with in depth interviews, the research will be conducted through the analysis of literature and media products (blogs, newspaper articles etc).

 

Panel 13.3 New Forms of Religious and Secular Female Participation in the Mediterranean Region (II)


Women, gender roles, and female participation in the public realm recently rose to prominence as key issues to investigate the current social and political transformations in the Mediterranean region. From the 1980s, a wide literature (Arat 2012; Saktanber 2006; Cooke 2007; Zayzafoon 2005; Ask and Tjomsland 1998) has explored women’s participation and/or mobilisation within Islamic movements and parties. Moreover, the debates over the “Islamic feminism” (Mernissi 1991; Badran 2009; Moghissi 1999; Braidotti 2008; Moghadam 2002) enriched the picture by directing the spotlights on the redefinition of gender roles within religious circles, parties and institutions.
Besides such a religiously motivated female engagement, the heterogeneity of women participating in social and political movements all over the MENA region gained the interest of scholars who analysed women’s activism in protests, especially during the so called “Arab springs” (Khamis 2011; Bennoune 2012). Five years after the revolts, women’s political and/or religious engagement turned to be either silenced, eclipsed by state repression, or transformed: women’s militancy being institutionalised, included within state bureaucracy; or rather represented by associations closed to –unless embedded with– the governments (Göçmen 2014). Yet, it was exactly from these precarious and evolving niches that women find their ways for expressing their public role, in some cases in the context of new institutional arrangements related to the religion/state boundaries.
In the light of these considerations, the categories of mobilisation and participation seem indeed inadequate both at the theoretical and practical levels. Hence the necessity to focus on the everyday experiences of women engaged in movements, parties, NGOs, institutions in the Mediterranean region. The panel invites contributions that critically call into questions the forms and meanings of female engagement in the religious and secular public realm. In particular, it analyses the scope and scale of female participation by asking: How concretely does it occur? Which factors/actors contribute in enhancing it? To what extent the current political and social transformations have contributed in redefine it?
Designed as a space of dialogue and encounter, the panel promotes original models of interpretation based on different contexts and experiences. It strongly welcomes contributions based on empirical researches (both single cases studies or larger analyses), envisaging an interdisciplinary perspective and employing ethnographic and comparative methodologies.

Chairs: Sara Borrillo

Discussants: Chiara Maritato

“Less Ego, more Action”: Olfa Youssef and Islamic Feminism in Tunisia
Jolanda Guardi (prof.jolanda.guardi@gmail.com)
AbstractScholars of Islamic Feminism have paid little attention to Tunisia, which remains at the margins of the international debate about Muslim women agency in religious discourse. In my paper, I will present the work and life of Olfa Yousef, a Tunisian scholar, and activist, who precisely succeeds in discussing the theoretical frame, being at the same time an activist for women's and minorities rights in Islam. Starting from her doctoral study "Polysemy in the Quran", Yousef claims that although certain dogmas have always been taken for granted throughout the long history of Islam, there is no proof in the Qur'an that makes them unquestionable rules. She develops her ideas in her book The Confusion of a Muslim Woman: On Inheritance, Marriage and Homosexuality (2008), which arose a sometimes harsh debate in Tunisia and led to controversies and court suits. At the same time, Yousef was active during Ben Ali times and achieved a high exposure in the media, especially after the former President charged her of the daily Qur’an comment during the month of Ramadan, something that had never happened before in a Muslim country. Politically engaged, she participated in the Tunisian revolution, and was until recent times among the members of the political party Harakat Nida’ Tunis, but she resigned to act outside parties because, as she claims, what Tunisia needs is “Less Ego, more activism”. The work of Olfa Yousef will be framed in the Reformist movement and then compared with other forms of religious activism in Islam, especially the one of thinkers such as Asma Barlas and Amina Wadud. Primary sources Olfa Youssef, Le Coran au risque de la psychanalise, Albin Miche, Paris 2007 Olfa Youssef, Sept controverses en islam. parlons-en, Elyzad, Tunis 2016 Olfa Youssef, Désir. Dimensions spirituelles et psychique des pilliers de l'islam, Nirvana, Tunis 2012 Intervista con l'autrice

Building an alternative feminist knowledge in post-revolutionary Egypt: the Women and Memory Forum
Margherita Picchi (marghe.picchi@gmail.com)
AbstractThe Egyptian Women and Memory Forum (WMF) is a non-governmental organization composed of women academics, researchers and activists, whose mission is “the production and dissemination of alternative knowledge concerning women in the Arab Region”, as its website states. The women who established WMF in Cairo in 1995, as the historians Omaima Abou Bakr and Hoda Elsadda, the lawyer Mona Zulficar, and the translator and translation theorist Hala Kamal, come from various backgrounds and use different methodologies, integrating secular as well as religious feminist perspectives. This intersectional approach goes beyond the narrow definitions of “religious” or “secular” feminism and it is better described by what Margot Badran has defined a “Muslim holistic feminism”, one that mixes the languages and the discourses of secular and religious feminism and aims at surpassing borders and coordinating efforts at a local and a global level with individuals and organizations coming from different backgrounds. This paper aims at presenting an overview of the projects and publications carried out by WMF, observing how its theoretical engagement with pluralism and intersectionality has been put into practice through collaborations with other feminist organizations and groups both at the local and the international level. I will focus especially on the post-revolutionary era (2011-2014), which had a significant influence in pushing scholars and intellectuals affiliated with the WMF to “go out” from academia and strengthen the ties with NGOs and civil society groups engaged in the promotion of Women’s Rights.

Changing the Face of Labor Migration? Feminization of Labor Migration
Nodira Kholmatova (nodira.kholmatova@eui.eu)
AbstractIn the context of developing economies where societies and states are becoming dependent on the work of women in the labor force, the purpose of this study is to understand the discrepancy between traditional and patriarchal societies and the feminization of labor migration. Feminization of immigration is defined as a growing emigration of women from all over the world looking for economic independence, mainly through working in the domestic and care sector, but often assuming an invisible social role in destination societies (Montefusco, 2008, p.345). The issue of whether an increased feminization process creates new social tensions, especially within families, among children and gender relations is clouded by the fact that feminization contributes to changing socially constructed and traditional status of women in patriarchal society (Khusenova, 2007; Lindio-McGovern, 2003; Gündüz, 2013). This study seeks a more comprehensive definition of the process and urges to have an in-depth study of feminization of labor migration, its various patterns, social mechanisms behind it, as well as links from the macro and micro perspective that explain this social phenomenon. This research uses a case study of migration from Tajikistan to Russia. Tajikistan belongs to a small group of countries in which there is an extreme contrast between a very traditional society and increased female mobility. Since it is argued that in Tajik society the women’s point of view on present matrimonial situation (Cleuziou, 2016) and migration is overlooked, this study illustrates the experiences of female migrants who claimed by Phizacklea (1998) to be imprisoned in institutionalized forms of dependency. The traditional and culturally patriarchal factor within society is overlooked in many studies of the feminization of labor migration, which could be an original input to illustrate and compare with studied cases in other parts of the world. The traditional model of labor migration process, which is generally male-dominated, is changing as women begin actively participating in labor market and labor migration. However, unlike men, women who are enforced by economic situation do not have a choice other than to migrate and seek employment outside their home countries. The discrepancy between growing female mobility and male-dominated societies in developing countries is claimed to be under researched. However, the research problem is not solely about how the status of women in traditional and patriarchal society changes through high levels of mobility; rather, it also opens up a black box of a contradiction between the classical sociological trend of women's empowerment and the constraint of traditional society. The puzzle questions the constraints female migrants encounter and the strategies that women develop to be accepted in the society of origin through adjustment into traditional norms. Therefore, this research proposes that women migrants might not see immigration processes as a means toward emancipation and empowerment. On the contrary, women might perceive labor migration as a source of demotion when they have to regain their status by coping with traditional norms and values in a sending society.

The “gender jihad” of the Moroccan Islamic feminist Asma Lamrabet: between the Qur’anic exegesis for gender equality and a self-negotiated religious authority
Sara Borrillo (sara.borrillo@gmail.com)
AbstractThis paper focuses on the experience and the discourse of Asma Lamrabet, a Moroccan intellectual who is one of the most important representatives of the vague of critical voices active to reform Islam from within through Islamic feminism. “Islamic feminism” can be defined as the “liberal“ theoretical approach that claims the “de-pathriarcalization” of Islam through the recovery of what is perceived as the Qur’an’s original message of gender’s equality and social justice. The practical counterpart to this “gender jihad” is to empower Muslim women to read and reinterpret the Qur’an and Sunna, to help realize a “cognitive subversion” instrumental in discontinuing “male hegemony” in the religious exegesis, and consequentially in the collective imagery, that structures the gender imbalance in Islamic societies. Recently Asma Lamrabet was appointed as Director of the Centre for Women Studies in Islam of the National League of ‘Ulamā’ in Rabat. Here her gender-oriented scholarly work represents a surprising element that calls for an examination of the potentialities of self-negotiated religious authority that can challenge the classical bases of Islam in the Monarchy. Based on the analysis of her five books about women’s rights in Islam and on the direct observation of her work during a long fieldwork in Morocco, this paper explores the main aspects of her method of Qur’anic exegesis and of her adaptation of Islam to the respect of gender equality in the contemporary historical phase.

 

Panel 13.4 The outstretched hand: NGOs, migrants and the EU


The panel aims at launching and deepening the scholarly debate on old and new trends in the EU management of migration crisis. It presents a special focus on the impact of NGOs on shaping policies and practices and on their direct involvement in the use of SAR operations in the Mediterranean. However, it is expected to analyse such topic in a broader perspective, as a space for assessing the current set of tools at the EU disposal and the balance between the spirit of solidarity, the need to to face the humanitarian emergency, and the temptation to close the borders and preserve sovereignty by member states. Therefore, it is intended to reflect on a wide variety of actors, norms, procedures, processes which constitute the constellation of the EU migration governance.
The panel encourages interdisciplinary analysis and methodological debate. We welcome papers offering theoretical reflections as well as those investigating case studies and proposing empirical analyses.

Chairs: Eugenio Cusumano, Daniela Irrera

Discussants: Fulvio Attinà

The Non-Governmentalization of Search and Rescue. De-politicization vs. Re-politicization in the Central Mediterranean
Paolo Cuttitta (p.cuttitta@vu.nl)
AbstractBased on documents analysis and ethnographic fieldwork, also including a number of semi-structured interviews, this paper analyses the search and rescue (SAR) activity of non-governmental actors (MOAS, MSF and Sea-Watch) in the Central Mediterranean in 2015. The main question is whether and in how far these actors intend and, if so, are able to reverse the trend towards a de-politicization of migration and border management and to turn humanitarianism into a tool for a re-politicization through a counterdelocalization of borderwork. The first section provides a diachronic overview of institutional search and rescue in the area and explains the role of the Italian military and humanitarian operation Mare Nostrum in paving the way for non-governmental search and rescue. Then the paper analyses the work carried out by MOAS, MSF and Sea- Watch both in their self-presentation and in the practical SAR activity. More specifically, the following issues are examined: 1) the political positioning, by asking whether these actors take a political stance (and, if so, what kind of political aims they have and declare) or keep SAR and humanitarian action separate from politics; 2) the degree of operational cooperation with Italian and European authorities at sea (e.g. whether it is limited to rescuing lives or it also includes other services like transporting the rescued to the mainland) and beyond the sea (e.g. cooperation in intelligence); 3) the organisational cooperation outside the operational field of the sea (e.g. diplomatic relations, exchange of information, development of best practices). In the light of this analysis, the paper tries to answer the central question: are non-governmental SAR actors only contributing to the institutional delocalization and humanitarianization, and thus to the de-politicization, of migration and border management, or are they (or at least some of them) to some extent the actors of a counter-delocalization re-politicizing borderwork in the Mediterranean?

Emptying the Sea with a Spoon? NGO Maritime Search and Rescue in the Mediterranean
Eugenio Cusumano (e.cusumano@hum.leidenuniv.nl)
AbstractIn 2015 and 2016, over 1,200,000 migrants crossed the Mediterranean sea into Europe. Over 6,000 drowned at sea. In response to the failure of states to provide adequate search and rescue (SAR) services, several non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have launched their own SAR operations. The Migrants Offshore Aid Station (MOAS), Medicins Sans Frontieres, SOS-Mediterranee, Sea-Watch, Sea-Eye, and Pro-Activa Open Arms have all deployed boats in the Central Mediterranean and Aegean. This paper provides the first empirical analysis of non-governmental SAR, investigating the reasons underlying their proliferation and assessing their contribution to mitigating the loss of life at sea. Specifically, it argues that the proliferation of SAR NGOs has been fostered by a process of emulation. The novelty of the problem faced and time and resource constraints created strong incentives for adopting solutions already proven effective by their predecessors, thereby reducing learning costs and circumventing uncertainty. Variance in resources available and different normative frames, however, led to the creation of two different SAR models, based either on the direct transfer of migrants on board of NGO ships or on the provision of humanitarian relief to migrant boats until the arrival of a larger ship.

Non-governmental Search and Rescue Operations in the Mediterranean: A preliminary investigation of trends and perspectives
Daniela Irrera (dirrera@unict.it)
AbstractMigration issues are currently dominating government agendas, public opinion and academic considerations. The need to guarantee the security of EU borders and to ensure legitimate cross-border mobility on one hand, and the urgency to foster illegal migration and human trafficking, on the other, has produced some institutional experiments and political innovations, which have been extensively tested and debated. However, in front of more contemporary events, this ambitious balance has demonstrated its structural weakness. The security paradigm – which conceives migrants as a threat– seems to prevail over the human dimension – which is more and more associated to the immediate emergency management phase - particularly in respect of recent developments in the Mediterranean. The analysis of the actions of civil society organisations, particularly NGOs, a combination of traditional assistance to development and social integration and active interventions, particularly the use of Search and Rescue (SAR) Operations offer some interesting insights. The paper is a preliminary analysis of such trends, and aims at replying to the following questions: which is the relationship between migration policies and the actions of NGOs? Is there an impact and influence they can exert on a Member state and EU level? If so, is this impact able to produce long-term and established practices beyond the emergency phase? It is based on the results of an expert survey research (conducted by researchers of the University of Catania) on the performance of Mare Nostrum and its capacity to manage the crisis. It consists of three parts. Firstly, an assessment of the literature on the roles played by NGOs in the EU migration policies is made. Secondly, an analysis of the use of SAR by different actors, including the non-governmental ones is used to investigate the impact on the management of the crisis. Lastly, empirical data are used to assess current trends and raise future perspectives.

 

Panel 13.5 Turkey's engagement in the region: a balance between power and interest


As a pivot state Turkey has been facing several challenges mainly related to the Syrian turmoil where İts spillover affects and the migrants are the most critical issues Ankara has to cope with. The substantial uneffectiveness of the ‘zero problems with neighbours’ strategy and the switch into a condition of so called ‘precious loneliness’ underline an increasing isolationism in the region. Furthermore as NATO ally Turkey is nowadays in the sensitive poisition to balance its domestic interest with its international projection and bids. Therefore, in the light of the regional current conjuncture the aim of this panel is to analyze Turkey’s peculiar role in a logic of balance of power and interests from both theoretical and empirical perspectives.

Chairs: Elena Baracani, Valeria Giannotta

Emerging sources of tensions in Turkish-Iranian relations: the Syrian conflict
Alberto Gasparetto (alberto.gasparetto@gmail.com)
AbstractIt is just six years ago that Turkey managed to sign a joint declaration with Iran (and Brazil) to solve the nuclear issue. That agreement on the transfer of nuclear fuel was then dropped because of Western pressures. However, giving a shake to the international community, Turkey succeeded in emerging as a power broker in Middle Eastern affairs and so the Davutoglu’s doctrine of the zero problems with neighbours seemed to have reached its peak. Apart from its relations with Israel, which were starting to sour in the meantime, Turkey was in a honeymoon relation with Syria – having created a visa-free regime for the movement of citizens – had launched a political and economic relation with Barzani’s KRG (still alive at the moment), emerged as the champion of the Palestinian cause after the Mavi Marmara incident, was indeed the only Muslim country to be able to create a reliable dialogue with a crippled-by-sanctions Iran. While Iran itself, after experiencing for some time what in 2004 Kind Abdullah of Jordan labelled “the Shiite crescent” in the Middle East – somewhat warning its Arab partners against it – was besieged and besieged by the international isolation due to the sanctions regime. However, after the outburst of the Arab Spring and, above all, the intensification of Syrian crisis, things drastically changed. The previous relations were put to a severe strain. Cards had been completely reshuffled. While Ankara started to engage a political confrontation with Assad’s Syria, Tehran tried to exploit its historic strategic alliance with Damascus in search for projecting abroad its influence and recreate that myth of the Shiite crescent. As Turkey was facing more and more hardships, Iran seemed to be more comfortable with its external environment. Nevertheless, the advent of ISIS created further disarray in the region, opening both chances and limits to cooperation for the two countries. The historical nuclear deal between Iran and the international community reached on July 2015 put Turkey furtherly under pressure, being Ankara seized on the underway conflict against Kurds This paper aims at assessing the degree of the current relations between Turkey and Iran, while taking into account the economic dimension, the Kurdish issue as well as the ISIS threat against the backdrop of the ongoing war in Syria.

Turkish (Governmental) Humanitarian Response during the Syrian Crisis
Alessia Chiriatti (alessia.chiriatti@gmail.com)
AbstractThe ongoing conflict in Syria has created one of the most pressing humanitarian crises in the world. Humanitarian needs continue to rise, population displacements are increasing and an entire generation of children is being exposed to war and violence, increasingly deprived of basic services, education and protection. The European Union and its Member States collectively are leading the international response. More than €5 billion have been mobilized for relief and recovery assistance to Syrians in their country and to refugees and their host communities in neighbouring Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, Turkey and Egypt. Turkey above all is currently hosting more than 2.5 million Syrian refugees, the largest number of Syrian refugees in one country in the world, even during the last summer. The paper has the aim to provide a general overview of the Syrian crisis exploded after the so called Arab Spring in 2011, particularly from a humanitarian point of view. After this step, the paper will be focused on the Turkish humanitarian response to the Syrian crisis itself, including the initiatives that the EU has created to approach the problem.

Spreading securitization: the Syrian Refugees Crisis and the Turkey’s Foreign Policy Agenda
Federico Donelli (federico@donelli.it), Ariel Gonzalez Levaggi (agonzalez14@ku.edu.tr)
AbstractThe ongoing civil war in Syria have prompted waves of forced migrants which have been perceived as a threat for the internal stability and security, both in Middle East and Europe. Nowadays, the political and humanitarian costs of the crisis are being paid mainly by Syria’s neighbors - Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey – who currently hosting over 4.5 million recognized refugees. In this dramatic context, this externality has affected Ankara seriously. Turkey is currently hosting the largest number of refugees worldwide, while the vast majority of these are Syrians (2,7 million). The effects on Turkey of the refugee inflow from Syria can be evaluated in different dimensions: social, economic, political, and security. The convergence of all these factors sets not only domestic challenges for Ankara’s government, but it also concerns for the overall Turkish foreign policy, in particular in its relation with the European Union. Drawing on the securitization framework, we focus the analysis on the nexus between migration and security, by evaluating how the refugee flow from Syria has impacted in the Turkey’s foreign policy agenda, and the relations with the West. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the conceptual nexus between the forced mass movement of people and foreign policy. The initial assertion is, that the refugee’s flows from Syria has provoked a change both in policy-makers and society, thus securitization the overall foreign policy agenda, beyond the refugee issue itself. In the first part, we evaluated the regional security dilemma after the crisis in Syria. Then, we analyze repercussions on Turkey’s foreign policy of Syrian refugees. Finally, drawing on the arguments about the securitization of the Ankara’s foreign policy agenda, we present an outline of the Turkey’s role in the context of an increasingly conflictive regional security dilemma.

 
 
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