Sections and Panels

Section 6. Partecipazione e movimenti sociali (Participation and Social Movements)

Chairs: Manuela Caiani, Fabio De Nardis

The section promotes panels for the study of the transformations of participation and social movements (new actors, organizations and strategies) in a phase characterized by the financial and economic crisis and the profound changes in the political and social context (Internet, the ongoing process of European integration and globalization, etc.). The economic crisis accelerates the processes of de-democratization at the national level and the detachment of people from traditional party politics, eroding the popular sovereignty and the socio-political foundations for the participation and decision-making processes in the mass liberal democracies. If reflections on the post-democracy are partly confirmed by the evidence, predictions of an inevitable decline of civic engagement is not confirmed. On the contrary, political participation has found new forms of expression and channeling that have revitalized and transformed even the more traditional forms of participation, especially when it has gained greater profile of engagement of young people and women. On the other hand also new forms of non progressive movements have (ri) emerged (as the many right wing populist movements and extremist groups in several European country as well as at the EU level), which raise the controversial question for scholars about the side effects of ‘bad social capital’ and how to study them. Waves of mobilization have developed in recent years, both in Western countries and in other contexts (e.g. the Arab Spring), showing many elements that were already present in the processes of transnational mobilization of the past (e.g. the global justice movement). It seems to gradually emerge a new paradigm of collective action with new communication channels (web, social networks, mobile telephony), multiple identities, different forms of coordination and resource mobilization, new practices and experimental democracy inside social movements. In this context, an electoral democracy limited to a ritual of request for electoral consent to delegate the “professional politicians” and/or the so-called “technical” people to manage resources and problems of the state is largely inadequate. The issue of a participatory democracy emerges strongly, especially in times of economic crisis, with the growing importance of the movements who claiming to be the true ‘representative’ of citizens demands and criticizing the politicians to cope with the crisis, experience new practices to increase the capacity for action and the citizens’ powers. Indeed, in a period of crisis and increasing difficulties for the people in European countries, if the left-wing actors are absent or too weak and fragmented, a growing space is left to the mobilizations and protests promoted by the populist right movements and parties. To investigate and reflect not only on the nature of the new forms of “resilience” and “resistance” practices, but also on how they reflect the social, cultural and political transformations (e.g. their impact on the overall political, and often party systems) becomes essential. Political participation scholars of must figure out if a new logic of collective action that rests on social, organizational and cultural foundations “structurally” different from those of the past is really emerging. They must also understand how this logic can live with the transformations of post-democratic political representation. The section hosts panels addressing these issues, starting from empirical research that reflect the adequacy of the theoretical and methodological tools until now used to analyze, understand and explain these processes. Panels with a comparative approach and giving a special attention to methodology will be welcome. At the same time, this section aims to host panels with the goal of discuss the relationship between social movements and traditional political actors (ie political parties, unions, associations), left wing and right wing social movements, as well as the role of the digital technologies in local, national and transnational mobilizations and the outputs of social movements.
 

Panel 6.1 Practices of Social Resilience/Resistance in Times of Socio-Political Crisis (I)


Social movements have prevalently opposed the dominant power structure directly by using protest actions, in other cases they proposed and sustained forms of self-help and self-production – mutualism, economic cooperativism, etc. In general the mobilizing capacity of social movements is conditioned by the environment within which these actors operate, although even they contribute to shape that environment. In fact, the degree of openness/closure of political, economic and cultural opportunities not only affects the action strategies and the organizational structure adopted by them, but in their turn even the choices and actions made by the movement activists influence the opportunity structures. In the current economic crisis, social movements face two types of challenge: firstly, they are confronting institutions which are less able to mediate new demands for social justice and equity from various sectors of society in the wake of the successful neo-liberal attack on the social welfare system and the consequent retreat of the state; secondly, given the highly individualized structure of contemporary society, they also experiencing difficulties in building strong and lasting bonds of solidarity and cooperation among people, considered a fundamental resource for collective action. It is in this context that potentially huge waves of protest are in fact often short-lived, and it is here that we see the rise and consolidation of new mutualistic and cooperative experiences within which new ties for collective action are created. Apart from spectacular events, over recent decades it has in fact been at the local level in particular that social movements have continued to expand, promoting community-led initiatives for social and economic sustainability, which in some cases have played a decisive role in the fight against poverty and in defending human and environmental rights. Such organizations include those promoting solidarity-based exchanges and networks, barter groups, new consumer-producer cooperatives, time banks, microfinance, local savings groups, ethical banks, alternative social currency, citizens’ self-help groups, pro-sumption practices, solidarity purchasing groups, social enterprises, fair trade, recovered factories, houses squatting, and others similar practices. While indicative of citizens’ capacity to self-organize in order to tolerate, absorb, cope with and adjust to the environmental and social threats posed by neoliberal policies in order to cover basic and urgent needs regarding food, shelter and housing, health, childcare and education, labour, these informal networks are also attempting to change an economic system increasingly perceived as unfair by building an alternative system within it based on greater mutual solidarity between individuals and the environment. That means that unlike more ‘classic’ social movements, such informal networks are much more involved in constructive and thoroughly organized forms of dissent towards contemporary capitalism and its transnational organization by promoting and diffusing innovative economic practices throughout society. We are particularly interested in collecting contributions that address the organizational aspects, the individual stories and biographical consequences of this form of activism, as well as the role of the political representation of these organizations and their ability to influence decision-making processes. Comparative studies will be particularly appreciated, but theoretical considerations and in-depth cases studies are also welcomed.

Chairs: Fabio De Nardis, Gianni Piazza

Un'alleanza strategica tra piccoli produttori, braccianti immigrati e consumatori critici: SOS Rosarno come alternativa alle crisi
Federico Oliveri (federico.oliveri@cisp.unipi.it)
AbstractIl paper interpreta SOS Rosarno – la campagna di solidarietà lanciata nel 2011 da un gruppo di piccoli contadini, attivisti e braccianti immigrati della Piana di Gioia Tauro – come una risposta di sistema su piccola scala all'attuale convergenza tra crisi economica, politica, sociale e ambientale. Nato sotto l'impressione dei “fatti di Rosarno” del gennaio 2010 quando, dopo la rivolta, gli immigrati africani impiegati nella raccolta degli agrumi divennero l'oggetto di una caccia all'uomo e furono espulsi dal territorio, il progetto si propone di realizzare un'idea apparentemente semplice: vendere arance e altri prodotti biologici locali attraverso una filiera autonoma dalla grande distribuzione, con i gruppi di acquisto solidale come principale terminale di vendita. Quest'idea implica, al tempo stesso, la costruzione di una complessa alleanza strategica tra soggetti sociali deboli o indeboliti dalla crisi degli agrumi, e dalla crisi economica in genere, contro soggetti sociali più forti. In particolare, essa consente ai piccoli contadini di ricevere una giusta remunerazione dei propri prodotti; garantisce ai braccianti immigrati di essere assunti regolarmente e trattati in base al contratto provinciale di lavoro degli operai agricoli; fornisce ai consumatori un cibo sano a prezzi ragionevoli; preserva l'integrità del territorio e dell'ambiente per l'intera collettività. Il paper ricostruisce in questa prospettiva il frame ideologico e la genesi, l'organizzazione e le pratiche, l'impatto e le criticità di SOS Rosarno. La base dell'interpretazione è fornita dall'analisi dei documenti politici prodotti dall'associazione omonima, nata nel 2012, e da 15 interviste in profondità realizzate con i militati, i contadini e i braccianti che ne sono membri. In una prima parte, il paper descrive le strategie di economia alternativa, le reti e le alleanze sociali messe in atto per contrastare la crisi dell'agrumicultura della Piana di Gioia Tauro nelle sue diverse componenti, con particolare attenzione all'impoverimento dei piccoli produttori, allo sfruttamento e alla 'razzializzazione' del bracciantato immigrato, alla speculazione sui prezzi lungo la filiera alimentare, e all'abbandono delle terre, che costituiscono tratti ricorrenti in numerose realtà dell'agricoltura italiana, specie meridionale. In una seconda parte, il paper delinea l'idea di società avanzata da SOS Rosarno e centrata intorno a una “nuova civiltà contadina”, che si pone in alternativa alle crisi attuali attraverso la de-mercificazione della natura e del lavoro, la promozione della democrazia di base e della convivialità, la transizione dalla monocultura alla sovranità alimentare.

Eco-mamme: il caso delle “Mamme Vulcaniche” di Terzigno
Domenico Trezza (domenico.trezza@unina.it), Ciro Clemente De Falco (defalcociro@live.it)
AbstractObiettivo del presente abstract è di esporre brevemente gli sviluppi di un case study, realizzato nell’ambito del programma europeo Erasmus sul rischio urbano a Terzigno tra Agosto e Settembre 2014, che ha preso in esame le azioni di protesta di un movimento ambientalista, le “Mamme Vulcaniche”, durante la nota emergenza rifiuti nell’autunno 2010 a Terzigno e Boscoreale. Questo movimento, composto da sole donne, si è costituito per protestare contro la decisione delle istituzioni nazionali di individuare in cava Vitiello un’ulteriore discarica dopo quella già attiva sul loro territorio, situata presso l’ex cava Sari. Il caso delle ‘Mamme Vulcaniche’ bene si presta a fungere da esempio di come talvolta le istanze presentate dai movimenti conflittuali, riprendendo la tassonomia sui movimenti civici e politici di Melucci [1982], possano, attraverso dinamiche botton-up, inserirsi nell’agenda politica e rivestire un ruolo determinante, seppur dopo un percorso non propriamente convenzionale, nel processo deliberativo riguardo una pubblica issue. Nella fattispecie, la gestione dei rifiuti in Campania. Tuttavia uno dei punti cardine della questione è rappresentato dal fatto che questo gruppo di donne si è posto come rappresentante oltre che di un’istanza ambientale, anche di un’istanza di genere, nella misura in cui le motivazioni che scaturiscono dal ruolo che implica la figura della madre, ossia la salvaguardia della salute dei familiari e dei loro figli in primis, sono risultate il cuore pulsante delle loro azioni di protesta. Pertanto si è rivelato interessante comprendere quali siano stati gli universi simbolici di riferimento condivisi dal movimento durante e dopo l’emergenza, ma soprattutto ciò che ci premeva era riuscire a gettare luce sulle dinamiche fortemente “resilienti” che sono scaturite da un evento negativo di tale portata. Se da un lato l’emergenza ha comprensibilmente rotto la quotidianità di questo gruppo di casalinghe, dall’altro ha rappresentato - paradossalmente - non solo la valvola di sfogo di una coscienza ambientalista probabilmente latente, ma anche di un forte senso civico che le ha spinte pian piano a mutare nel tempo. Vale a dire che da associazione di protesta, con motivazioni strettamente legate all’evento in sé, sono riuscite a rinnovarsi e a mettere in campo nuovi modi di agire politico: dalle pratiche di sensibilizzazione, come ad esempio la promozione dello screening mammografico a quelle di pressione sull’agenda politica.

Performing the Right to the city through the “Free Spaces”. Practice of Resistance in Urban Social Movements
Carlotta Caciagli (carlotta.caciagli@sns.it)
AbstractOver the last twenty years the process of globalisation and interurban competition radically transformed cities, modifying public space, services and opportunities. The hegemonic trend in urban restructuring, based on profit-oriented changes and on neoliberal individualist ideas, has been heavily criticised by grassroots organisations in different cities in Europe. While dealing with particularly located struggles, on a transversal level, urban social movements enact the urgency to give the community decisional power reclaiming also a different spatiality of the urban fabric. Against the dominant way of experiencing the city, urban social movements are dealing with social actors' participation in the urbanisation processes, namely, what Le Febvre (1996) termed the “right to the city”. This paper is the result of a fieldwork conducted at the neighbourhood level in the capital city of Rome during the 2015. I inquired into different practices of resistance performed by the current urban social movements in their reclaiming the “right to the city". In particular I focused the attention on the practices tending to create ”free spaces”(Polletta: 1999) inside the controlled and hegemonic urban fabric. The challenge of distribution and reproduction of the space results to be the main goal of urban movements but also the condition that shapes their features. In the first part of the work I provide an inventory of these transversal struggles and of the ways trough which they interact with the political and institutional reality that they face; in the second one, I inquire to what extent the resistant practices employed by different movements are conditioned by the socio-spatial configuration of the environment in which they are embedded. The focus on the space results to be fundamental because not just the goal of these movements but also their conditioning starting point. The research has been conducted matching qualitative and quantitative methods, in particular combining “participant observation” and “structured and semi-structured interviews” with “network analysis", “protest event analysis” and exploring the potentialities of the new “geo-spatial analysis”.

 

Panel 6.1 Practices of Social Resilience/Resistance in Times of Socio-Political Crisis (II)


Social movements have prevalently opposed the dominant power structure directly by using protest actions, in other cases they proposed and sustained forms of self-help and self-production – mutualism, economic cooperativism, etc. In general the mobilizing capacity of social movements is conditioned by the environment within which these actors operate, although even they contribute to shape that environment. In fact, the degree of openness/closure of political, economic and cultural opportunities not only affects the action strategies and the organizational structure adopted by them, but in their turn even the choices and actions made by the movement activists influence the opportunity structures. In the current economic crisis, social movements face two types of challenge: firstly, they are confronting institutions which are less able to mediate new demands for social justice and equity from various sectors of society in the wake of the successful neo-liberal attack on the social welfare system and the consequent retreat of the state; secondly, given the highly individualized structure of contemporary society, they also experiencing difficulties in building strong and lasting bonds of solidarity and cooperation among people, considered a fundamental resource for collective action. It is in this context that potentially huge waves of protest are in fact often short-lived, and it is here that we see the rise and consolidation of new mutualistic and cooperative experiences within which new ties for collective action are created. Apart from spectacular events, over recent decades it has in fact been at the local level in particular that social movements have continued to expand, promoting community-led initiatives for social and economic sustainability, which in some cases have played a decisive role in the fight against poverty and in defending human and environmental rights. Such organizations include those promoting solidarity-based exchanges and networks, barter groups, new consumer-producer cooperatives, time banks, microfinance, local savings groups, ethical banks, alternative social currency, citizens’ self-help groups, pro-sumption practices, solidarity purchasing groups, social enterprises, fair trade, recovered factories, houses squatting, and others similar practices. While indicative of citizens’ capacity to self-organize in order to tolerate, absorb, cope with and adjust to the environmental and social threats posed by neoliberal policies in order to cover basic and urgent needs regarding food, shelter and housing, health, childcare and education, labour, these informal networks are also attempting to change an economic system increasingly perceived as unfair by building an alternative system within it based on greater mutual solidarity between individuals and the environment. That means that unlike more ‘classic’ social movements, such informal networks are much more involved in constructive and thoroughly organized forms of dissent towards contemporary capitalism and its transnational organization by promoting and diffusing innovative economic practices throughout society. We are particularly interested in collecting contributions that address the organizational aspects, the individual stories and biographical consequences of this form of activism, as well as the role of the political representation of these organizations and their ability to influence decision-making processes. Comparative studies will be particularly appreciated, but theoretical considerations and in-depth cases studies are also welcomed.

Chairs: Fabio De Nardis, Gianni Piazza

I MOVIMENTI SOCIALI IN ARGENTINA, IN SPAGNA ED IN ITALIA COME RISPOSTA ALLA CRISI ECONOMICA E POLITICA
Juan Montes Cató (jmontes@ceil-conicet.gov.ar), Pablo Eduardo Neder (pabloneder@hotmail.com)
AbstractL’articolo mostra come la crisi economica e finanziaria internazionale che attraversa in modo maggiore o minore, molte delle economie dei paesi sviluppati e anche emergenti, costituisca una sfida per i movimenti sociali e le organizzazioni popolari in vista di proporre modelli alternativi di sviluppo economico e nuove forme di rappresentanza politica. Il programma neoliberista si presenta come l'unico modo valido per affrontare i problemi economici, promuovendo uno schema che articola aggiustamento fiscale, disimpegno dello Stato e privatizzazione dei servizi pubblici. Si tratta di un modello già sperimentato in molti paesi dell'America Latina. I risultati della sua implementazione nei paesi della regione sono stati disastrosi e hanno provocato il peggioramento della maggior parte degli indicatori di benessere sociale: aumento della disoccupazione, disuguaglianza, mercificazione degli spazi pubblici e concentrazione della ricchezza nelle mani di pochi. Sulla base dell'esperienza di ciò che è accaduto in un Paese in cui la crisi è stata particolarmente profonda, come l'Argentina, cerchiamo di riflettere su ciò che sta attualmente avvenendo in Spagna e in Italia, due dei Paesi in cui si osserva la cristallizzazione di un processo che eccede la sfera puramente economica proiettando gli effetti della crisi nell'ambito politico-istituzionale. In questo paper vogliamo caratterizzare le particolarità della crisi attraverso un'analisi delle forme di intervento statale nell'ambito delle politiche del lavoro. Presentiamo queste politiche mettendo in evidenza l'orientamento ideologico che ha influenzato la loro concezione l e analizziamo il modo in cui sono state accolte dai movimenti sociali. Nello specifico, ci concentriamo su tre aspetti relazionali di queste politiche a) il loro legame con lo Stato e la sfera politica; b) il coordinamento con i partner sociali nell'ambito della concertazione tradizionale durante il processo di concezione di queste politiche c) il loro legame con eventuali esperienze economiche alternative. Dal punto di vista metodologico, la ricerca è stata realizzata attraverso un approccio qualitativo basato su interviste e analisi di documenti.

Prefigurative territories: The creation of alternatives by the Indignados movement.
Viviana Asara (viviana.asara@gmail.com)
AbstractIn this paper I investigate the prefigurative politics of the “indignados” movement in Barcelona. The Indignados movement was not limited to square "occupations", but it gave rise to many local micro-alternatives reflecting and prefiguring some of the movement values. After the first period of square occupations, the movement decentralized into the city’s neighborhoods and focused on the “construction of alternatives”, where appropriation of space was conducive to experimenting and living an alternative utopian community, the main expression of the politics and vision of Indignados, while developing alternatives in the form of self-management of social centres, cooperatives, urban gardens, ex factories etc. I focus on five different types of experiences in Barcelona – the analysis of the "acampada" in Plaza Catalunya, the outraged urban gardens, the Recreant Cruilles project, the Ateneu La Base and Can Batlló - to answer the following questions through the new concept of ‘prefigurative territories’: how does the indignado movement prefigure an alternative in its practice? How and why do they use and transform space? What kind of imaginaries are they prefiguring? How do they envision social change? This study draws from participant observation conducted for three years since the start of the square encampments and more than 80 in-depth interviews and focus groups with movement participants.

Movimientos Vecinales in Spain: a challenging to capitalism or a mere necessity?
Valerio Lastrico (valerio.lastrico@virgilio.it)
AbstractHousing is one of the social rights more affected by economic crisis, but it is also a right on which conflicts and protests, as well as forms of cooperative self-organization, arose also in the past decades. It is therefore interesting to investigate if new form of mobilization within the crisis differentiate from the previous ones, especially in country where the last crisis beats harder, as Southern European ones. Among these latter here we consider the case of Spain, at a glance the narrower to Italian situation. Indeed, both the country experienced a great period of struggles about housing between 1968 and 1980, and both are witnessing a new cycle of protests on this issue since the outbreak of the crisis, variously linked to anti-austerity protests and committed to the defense of a right threatened both by the crisis and by the policies put in place to fight it. According to Castells, if in Italy the right to housing was conceived in the ’70s only as an intermediate goal with respect to the elimination of the capitalist mode of production, in Spain there were “non-class social movements that challenged the structure of a class society”. We are talking about the movilizaciones vecinales, inhabitants’ associations in the barrios of all major cities. Their main claims were intended not to “right to housing”, but rather to the "right to good living" (vivienda digna), thus shifting the focus from individual private accommodation to the quality of life in the neighborhood, asking for basic public infrastructure: street lighting, water supply, sewerage, paving of dirt roads, public transport, schools. More important, the repertoires of action counted not only the use of street demonstrations for the public recognition of these goals, but first of all the active construction of these common objectives, through cooperation and mutual solidarity, up to form of informal economy which today would be called “sharing economy”. Only recently social sciences analyses have recognized the important role of such a typically Spanish form of community-led initiatives as a major player in explaining the political and social changes that marked the transition from a dictatorial system to a democratic one. Nevertheless, few works are so far devoted to the analysis of this phenomenon. Yet, it should be important to deeper analyze it not only because it has kept on surviving till today, but first of all because, after a period of partial decline since the ‘80s, the activity based on mutual aid and neighbors solidarity is creating, as a result of the effect of the economic crisis for many families, a real second life to these movements, which are gaining more and more consensus and membership throughout the country. The action of Movimientos Vecinales in fact continues to be based more on self-organization of local services and on the creation of community-led solidarity, and less on the participation in the protests that have characterized Spain since 2011, if not with quite sporadic contacts with the of indignados’ movement. Solidarity canteen, self-managed kindergarten, collective vegetable garden, service of elders care, barter market, cooperative café, popular libraries, occupation and spontaneous urban renewal of disused industries: "small things, but concrete" using their own words, whereas scholars disagree about the degree of organized dissent towards the actual economic system. Starting from the description of the context (tenure status, social base of mobilizations), this paper investigates, through textual analysis of actors’ public claims, the role of Movimientos Vecinales in Spain in the period 2008-2015, taking as case studies three association at the barrio (Besòs), city (Barcelona) and comunidad (Catalunya) levels, in the same territory of Catalunya (one of the most active both in the ‘70s and today). The aim is to show the link these mobilizations have on the one hand with the politicized struggles of the ‘70s, and on the other with current “nonpartisan” anti-austerity protests, in order to detect cognitive frames, political collocation, identity bases, blaming targets, action repertoires, nature and extent of the struggles. In particular, with respect to previous decades actions we try to demonstrate differences in the social base (families arrived with internal migration from the countryside to industrial cities to live in degraded suburbs / middle class impoverished by the crisis, and immigrants), in the outcomes (opening of the dictatorship, art. 47 of new democratic Constitution about vivienda digna, creation of an active citizenship with first references to participatory democracy and environmental rights / widespread function of bottom-up social security cushion against the effects of the crisis), in political linkages (Communist Party and street-level progressive Church / no apparent linkage with Podemos, explicit reference to "members from very different political sensitivities" as a value), in organizational aspects (born as informal movement – then heavily institutionalized – today new informality), and possible similarity in the political horizons (general frame, radical but not explicitly anti-capitalist / today: a general frame or a local solidarity response?).

 

Panel 6.1 Practices of Social Resilience/Resistance in Times of Socio-Political Crisis (III)


Social movements have prevalently opposed the dominant power structure directly by using protest actions, in other cases they proposed and sustained forms of self-help and self-production – mutualism, economic cooperativism, etc. In general the mobilizing capacity of social movements is conditioned by the environment within which these actors operate, although even they contribute to shape that environment. In fact, the degree of openness/closure of political, economic and cultural opportunities not only affects the action strategies and the organizational structure adopted by them, but in their turn even the choices and actions made by the movement activists influence the opportunity structures. In the current economic crisis, social movements face two types of challenge: firstly, they are confronting institutions which are less able to mediate new demands for social justice and equity from various sectors of society in the wake of the successful neo-liberal attack on the social welfare system and the consequent retreat of the state; secondly, given the highly individualized structure of contemporary society, they also experiencing difficulties in building strong and lasting bonds of solidarity and cooperation among people, considered a fundamental resource for collective action. It is in this context that potentially huge waves of protest are in fact often short-lived, and it is here that we see the rise and consolidation of new mutualistic and cooperative experiences within which new ties for collective action are created. Apart from spectacular events, over recent decades it has in fact been at the local level in particular that social movements have continued to expand, promoting community-led initiatives for social and economic sustainability, which in some cases have played a decisive role in the fight against poverty and in defending human and environmental rights. Such organizations include those promoting solidarity-based exchanges and networks, barter groups, new consumer-producer cooperatives, time banks, microfinance, local savings groups, ethical banks, alternative social currency, citizens’ self-help groups, pro-sumption practices, solidarity purchasing groups, social enterprises, fair trade, recovered factories, houses squatting, and others similar practices. While indicative of citizens’ capacity to self-organize in order to tolerate, absorb, cope with and adjust to the environmental and social threats posed by neoliberal policies in order to cover basic and urgent needs regarding food, shelter and housing, health, childcare and education, labour, these informal networks are also attempting to change an economic system increasingly perceived as unfair by building an alternative system within it based on greater mutual solidarity between individuals and the environment. That means that unlike more ‘classic’ social movements, such informal networks are much more involved in constructive and thoroughly organized forms of dissent towards contemporary capitalism and its transnational organization by promoting and diffusing innovative economic practices throughout society. We are particularly interested in collecting contributions that address the organizational aspects, the individual stories and biographical consequences of this form of activism, as well as the role of the political representation of these organizations and their ability to influence decision-making processes. Comparative studies will be particularly appreciated, but theoretical considerations and in-depth cases studies are also welcomed.

Chairs: Fabio De Nardis, Gianni Piazza

Contesting Neoliberalism in Post-communist Romania. A polanyian Approach
Abaseaca Raluca (raluca_aba@yahoo.com)
AbstractLater then in other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, only after 1996, the application of a local version of the neoliberal shock therapy in post-communist Romania and of a synthesis between the political and the economic liberalism was developed by academic and technocratic translators of neoliberalism and by liberal civil society, supporting " Westernization" and " market economy " as a way of distancing themselves from the communist regime. This direction was radicalised during the economic crisis and during the austerity measures adopted by the Romanian government. Our paper will focus on leftist networks developped in the context of the economic crisis and of the global protests (anarchist, marxist, ecologist), highly fragmented, from post-communist Romania, a country extremely reticent to leftist ideas, associated with the former regime, on the emergence of various left political cultures, influenced by the diffusion of militant practices from Western Europe and on the relation that the activists establish towards conventional politics and towards the state. As the commitment of the activists could be explained through the mistrust of national and international political institutions and of market economy, the analysis of activist’s trajectories cannot be reduced to the micro level of the social actors. Consequently, our study will not be limited to the level of individuals, or to the motivations of an activist commitment, but will try to understand broader phenomena, such as the legitimization of left discourses after the collapse of communist regime and as the reorganization of left militant structures after the economic crisis.

Thinking beyond the crisis. Social mobilization in the Western Balkans and political representation of underprivileged
Aleksandar Miloševic (aleksandar.milosevic@fpn.bg.ac.rs), Nemanja Džuverović ()
AbstractThe paper aims to elaborate and explore new forms of social activism in the Western Balkans, emerged as a reaction to political elites, unable to cope with economic crises and its social consequences. Economic crisis from 2008 had severe economic implications, mainly visible in sharp rise of unemployment and poverty rates and enactment of harsh austerity measures (most notably public spending cuts). Additionally, by supporting these policies, traditional political actors have diminished capacity for representation, especially of disenfranchised individuals most affected by the crisis. The same applies to the Western Balkan countries, additionally constrained by recent violent past and political/economic transition. Therefore, paper analyze recently established social movements who are confronting existing institutional structures and offer alternative model based on social justice and greater direct citizen participation. Consequently, the focus is on three movements, Plenum Sarajevo (Bosnia & Herzegovina), Živi zid (Croatia) and Ministarstvo prostora (Serbia) best representing above-mentioned principles in practice. The importance of these movements in challenging existing institutional order will be understood by examining movement's structure, organization, mobilization capacity and political affiliation of participants. Only by understanding these new, (non)institutional, actors it is possible to perceive changing political landscape in the Western Balkans.

Movimenti non sociali nel Nord-Africa contemporaneo: riflessioni preliminari a partire dalla transizione tunisina
Valentina Fedele (valentinaf78@yahoo.it), Elena Musolino (elenamusolino@gmail.com)
AbstractLe rivolte arabe del 2010- 2012 sono state accolte dagli osservatori con un certo stupore, dovuto, spesso, alla convinzione che le popolazioni dell’universo di senso arabo-islamico in generale e del Nord- Africa in particolare non potessero autonomamente essere promotrici di cambiamenti politici, schiacciate, come erano, dai governi centrali neo-patriarcali (Moghadam 1992), che controllavano gli effetti sociali dei cambiamenti economici, demografici, culturali che pure avevano interessato la regione dopo la fine della colonizzazione. Nello spazio sociale di quelle che Cavatorta (1981) chiama stalled transition, era dunque considerato difficile, se non impossibile, lo sviluppo di movimenti sociali che agissero come vettori di mutamento. In effetti, se le rivolte sembravano dimostrare che forme di resistenza e mobilitazione erano invece presenti, le loro istanze, appartenenze, forme organizzative e risorse non erano leggibili attraverso le categorie classiche restituite dalla letteratura sui movimenti sociali. Proprio per questo, per descrivere tali movimenti, Bayat (2013:15) propone la categoria di movimenti non sociali “azioni collettive di attori non collettivi” che “incarnano le pratiche condivise si un largo numero di persone ordinarie, le cui attività frammentate ma simili spingono al mutamento sociale, anche se raramente queste pratiche sono guidate da un’ideologia o da una guida riconosciuta o da un’organizzazione”. Tali azioni esprimono soggettività fluide, utilizzano riferimenti diversi re-interpretati in forme adattabili all’ esigenza di sfuggire al controllo e alle narrazioni dominanti degli stati neo-patriarcali, attraverso network informali, che permettono e procedono attraverso una vera e propria invasione silenziosa dell’ordinario. La categoria di non-movimenti sociali si dimostra, dunque, particolarmente prolifica nella comprensione di molte delle rivolte che hanno caratterizzato il Nord-Africa, ma è stata, finora, raramente impiegata nell’analisi delle forme di transizione che interessano i paesi coinvolti nelle rivolte dal 2010. A partire da tali premesse interpretative, il contributo propone un’analisi socio-storica dell’esperienza tunisina, dallo scoppio delle rivolte che hanno portato alla fine del regime di Ben Ali, tra la fine del 2010 e l’inizio del 2011, alle elezioni del nuovo presidente Essebsi, leader del neonato partito Nida Tounes, nel gennaio 2015. L’obiettivo è di verificare come i network informali che componevano i movimenti di rivolta sono mutati, si sono ri-organizzati e reinterpretati – sia rimanendo ai margini che ponendo alternative di partecipazione politica – nel periodo post-rivoluzionario, evidenziandone limiti e potenzialità rispetto alle future forme di partecipazione politica nel paese.

 

Panel 6.3 Changing the world through taking power: movements, left and government in the European crisis (I)


The economic crisis, in the last few years, has been shaping contexts, opportunities, grievances and contents of social and political action. Recession, debt and austerity policies have been, and still are, at the core of the political discourse for every actor, both at the institutional and at the street level, both in the left and in the right, both for established actors and for new forces. This context has been characterised by the presence of significant anti-austerity mobilisations, that took different forms in different countries, and in some cases were able to shake the basis of quite established and solid political fields. Furthermore, in the last few months we have observed the emergence of progressive political forces, identified by their strong opposition towards austerity policies. An electoral upsurge of the anti-austerity left has been visible in many countries, from Greece (where in January 2015 Syriza became the largest party), to Spain (where Podemos and Izquierda Unida are polling at unprecedented level), from Ireland (where the Sinn Fein is unexpectedly becoming a contender for the government on anti-austerity grounds) to Slovenia (where a 27-year-old brought the radical left in the parliament and is still gaining ground in the polls). On the other hand, in countries like Italy and France, nothing on this kind seems to be appearing on the horizon, while in Portugal, for example, different actors are taking different direction. These cases are characterised by some similarities (the centrality of the economic crisis and austerity policies in the political discourse) and many dissimilarities (the presence of anti-austerity mobilisations, their configuration and their relationship with political actors, the long or brief history of political forces, their contents and symbolic references, etc.). The goal of this panel is to bring together research projects addressing one or more of the following issues: - Are we observing a new wave of left-wing politics in Europe? Why are these phenomena characterising certain countries instead of others? Why are in some countries pre-existing leftist actors able to take the role of anti-austerity actors, while in others new forces appear? What is the relationship between these political parties and social movements? Which forms is the relationship between society and politics taking on in these contexts? - How are social movement actors conceptualising what is happening? Have social movements decided to “take power”, breaking with a 20-year-old trend, in some countries? Is the take of national governments back in the social movement agenda, and why? How are social movements reshaping their action in countries with anti-austerity governments or prospective governments? Are concepts like populism or Euro-skepticism useful to understand these processes? - Which forms of participation, mobilisation and collective action are being experimented? Which are the main peculiar traits of parties like Podemos, Syriza, Sinn Fein? Which are the main characteristics of the discourse with which they address voters To what extent and how do they innovate the traditional discourse of the left? Which are their main programmatic issues, and in which relationship are these issues with the movements’ agenda? We invite papers aiming at answering, both from theoretical and empirical perspectives, these questions and others regarding left-wing parties in Europe, their main programmatic, organizational, and cultural current characteristics and their relationship with social movements and participation.

Chairs: Loris Caruso, Lorenzo Zamponi

Antiausterità o anticasta? Movimenti di protesta e partiti emergenti in Italia e in Spagna nel contesto della crisi economica e politica
Luca Raffini (lucaraffini@gmail.com)
AbstractLa crisi che investe l’Europa, e in particolare i paesi dell’Europa mediterranea, è al tempo stesso una crisi economica e politica. La possiamo inquadrare come una crisi interna al modello neoliberista, che radicalizza la subordinazione della politica all’economia, e per questa via gli effetti della parabola postdemocratica, in primo luogo il deficit di legittimità e di partecipazione. Si tratta di fenomeni presenti, in forma particolarmente acuta, tanto in Italia quanto in Spagna, due paesi in cui gli effetti della crisi si riflettono sul piano sociale, culturale e politico. Il peggioramento delle condizioni oggettive di vita, e con queste delle percezioni riguardo al futuro, radicalizza la crisi di legittimità, ma ha anche l’effetto di alimentare una nuova ondata di partecipazione, nella forma di movimenti di protesta e di pratiche di resilienza. Il declino del consenso verso le organizzazioni politiche tradizionali e la riduzione della partecipazione politica convenzionale si accompagnano, in entrambi i paesi, a un processo di reinvenzione della politica, all’aumento delle pratiche di partecipazioni dal basso e di tipo protestatario. Queste, per la prima volta, si sono poste a fondamento della nascita e del consolidamento di attori politici nuovi, più o meno esplicitamente di sinistra, che raccolgono ed esprimono le istanze prodotte dai movimenti di protesta, sfidando i partiti tradizionali sul piano della rappresentanza. Si tratta di attori che tematizzano la crisi politica ed economica, concentrando la propria proposta politica sulla dimensione dell’”antiausterità” e sulla dimensione “anticasta”. Queste due dimensioni assumono il ruolo di veri e propri nuovi cleavages, che dividono i nuovi attori politici dagli attori politici tradizionali, che, in nome della stabilità e della difesa delle istituzioni democratiche dai partiti antisistema, sempre più spesso, in tutti i paesi europei, tendono a difendersi dalla sfida lanciata dai nuovi soggetti politici, costruendo governi di larghe intese. Il paper propone una comparazione tra il contesto spagnolo e il contesto italiano. In entrambi si sono rapidamente affermati nuovi partiti-movimenti, capaci di intercettare il consenso di ampi strati della società e di offrire una risposta al diffuso sentimento antipolitico, capaci di rappresentare una sfida concreta ai partiti-coalizioni principali. È il caso, in Italia, del M5S e, in Spagna di Podemos, cui si è in seguito affiancato un movimento “cugino” maggiormente orientato a destra: ciudadanos. Obiettivo del contributo non è, in sé, comparare i due principali movimenti, M5S e Podemos, in termini di orientamento politico, organizzazione e processi decisionali interni, ruolo della leadership, strategie di comunicazione e propensione populista: si tratta di un tipo di analisi ampiamente sviluppata e che permette di individuare ampie differenze tra i due movimenti, pur nella condivisione di tratti comuni. L’analisi, piuttosto, si concentrerà sulle differenze di contesto nei due paesi, in relazione alle tappe della crisi politica ed economica e all’affermazione dei movimenti anticasta e antiausterità. Questo tipo di analisi rivela che, mentre in Spagna crisi economica e politica si sviluppano in forma accelerata e procedono di pari passo, in Italia la crisi politica precede e si sviluppa in forma autonoma dalla crisi economica, assumendo un vero e proprio carattere cronico, e trovando nell’anomalia Berlusconi un punto avanzato. Una delle conseguenze della lunga crisi politica italiana è la concentrazione della protesta e della partecipazione dal basso su questa dimensione, al punto che, in Italia, la protesta contro le degenerazioni della politica, hanno assunto un ruolo e una visibilità maggiore rispetto ai movimenti antiausterity. La netta prevalenza della dimensione anticasta è particolarmente visibile nel caso del M5S, mentre Podemos, sulla scia del movimento 15M, fonda la sua proposta sull’integrazione tra dimensione anticasta e antiausterity. In sintesi, nel paper si individueranno le variabili di contesto che, in Italia, hanno fatto in modo che la protesta/retorica anticasta ponesse in secondo piano la protesta contro l’austerità, e che hanno favorito l’affermazione di un movimento, il M5S, che si concentra in forma largamente prevalente sulla prima dimensione, a differenza di movimenti come Podemos, mentre la critica all’austerità ha assunto una connotazione più tradizionalmente di sinistra, da parte di nuovi soggetti politici come l’Altra Europa, che, tuttavia, non sono sembrati capaci di integrare efficacemente la dimensione dell’antiausterità alla dimensione anticasta. A differenza della Spagna, in cui la rivendicazione di un mutamento sul piano politico ed economico si sono saldate e reciprocamente rafforzate, in Italia la retorica anticasta ha avuto un effetto di “distrazione” sulla progettualità politica antiausterity.

The decline of the traditional left and the formation of new political movements in the countries of southern Europe.
Roberto Biorcio (roberto.biorcio@unimib.it)
AbstractThe development of globalization, the economic crisis and the austerity policies imposed by the European Union have profoundly changed the profile of political system in many states. The austerity measures have so far lead mostly to further impoverishment of wide population strata which have been hit particularly hard by consequences of the crisis anyway. In southern European countries, unemployment has risen to record levels and youth unemployment is 50 percent. The austerity measures has increased social inequalities and greatly reduced the welfare state and social rights. In the past, the left parties opposed to this type of policies. Now the parties of the traditional left accept without opposition the austerity policies imposed by the European Union and their neo-liberal logic. In general, these parties were greatly transformed and have lost consensus in favor of the center-right parties. Many protests and demonstrations have been developed especially in southern European countries. They were also built new political movements. that oppose the policies decided in Brussels. These new political actors have programs, organizational models and forms of action and mobilization very different from those of the traditional left parties. In the paper we propose to analyze the new political movements that have been more successful in southern European countries.

What’s left of the left in Central and Eastern Europe? Struggles and successes of a political family in times of crisis.
Mattia Collini (mattia.collini@sns.it)
AbstractThis paper aims to assess the difference between the left and other political blocks in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) from the years of the EU accession up to 2014, looking at the effects that the economic crisis are having on the political landscape of CEE. The general diagnosis of party politics in CEE is illustrates instability, fragmentation and volatility. However, these phenomena are not affecting all in the same way. The aim of this study is to analyze the specific features of the centre-left in CEE as opposed to the other focal/major political blocs by looking at the impact of the economic crisis, governmental participation and the emergence of social movements and challenger parties/movements. This research contributes to the study of the general structure of political competition in CEE, covering the 10 countries that have joined the EU between 2004 and 2007. The study is divided in two parts. The first part explores the characteristics of left and centre-left parties in CEE in the general context and their performances over time. This focuses on a mid-range comparison of electoral volatility, (intra)bloc fragmentation, party organisation as well as the impact of governmental participation – , which are considered as the main variables to assess whether there are differences among blocks and/or recurring trends within the systems. The results would then be confronted with the broader effects of the economic crisis, by looking mainly at the impact of governmental participation and the relationship with societal actors and the emergence of new contenders. The second part will build on the findings of the previous one and analyzes in depth the speficities of the crisis in CEE and the left in relationship with the development of relevant mobilisation and social movements. More specifically, the research looks at how in Central and Eastern Europe several left and centre-left parties faced a crisis without giving way to a diffuse presence of strong social movements or new political actors capable to capitalise on the failure of the old parties, or on the relatively large popular support. Among those, we can point out Hungary, where mass attended street demonstration and a diffusion of new popular movements up to now failed to become institutionalised and gain electoral support.

 

Panel 6.3 Changing the world through taking power: movements, left and government in the European crisis (II)


The economic crisis, in the last few years, has been shaping contexts, opportunities, grievances and contents of social and political action. Recession, debt and austerity policies have been, and still are, at the core of the political discourse for every actor, both at the institutional and at the street level, both in the left and in the right, both for established actors and for new forces. This context has been characterised by the presence of significant anti-austerity mobilisations, that took different forms in different countries, and in some cases were able to shake the basis of quite established and solid political fields. Furthermore, in the last few months we have observed the emergence of progressive political forces, identified by their strong opposition towards austerity policies. An electoral upsurge of the anti-austerity left has been visible in many countries, from Greece (where in January 2015 Syriza became the largest party), to Spain (where Podemos and Izquierda Unida are polling at unprecedented level), from Ireland (where the Sinn Fein is unexpectedly becoming a contender for the government on anti-austerity grounds) to Slovenia (where a 27-year-old brought the radical left in the parliament and is still gaining ground in the polls). On the other hand, in countries like Italy and France, nothing on this kind seems to be appearing on the horizon, while in Portugal, for example, different actors are taking different direction. These cases are characterised by some similarities (the centrality of the economic crisis and austerity policies in the political discourse) and many dissimilarities (the presence of anti-austerity mobilisations, their configuration and their relationship with political actors, the long or brief history of political forces, their contents and symbolic references, etc.). The goal of this panel is to bring together research projects addressing one or more of the following issues: - Are we observing a new wave of left-wing politics in Europe? Why are these phenomena characterising certain countries instead of others? Why are in some countries pre-existing leftist actors able to take the role of anti-austerity actors, while in others new forces appear? What is the relationship between these political parties and social movements? Which forms is the relationship between society and politics taking on in these contexts? - How are social movement actors conceptualising what is happening? Have social movements decided to “take power”, breaking with a 20-year-old trend, in some countries? Is the take of national governments back in the social movement agenda, and why? How are social movements reshaping their action in countries with anti-austerity governments or prospective governments? Are concepts like populism or Euro-skepticism useful to understand these processes? - Which forms of participation, mobilisation and collective action are being experimented? Which are the main peculiar traits of parties like Podemos, Syriza, Sinn Fein? Which are the main characteristics of the discourse with which they address voters To what extent and how do they innovate the traditional discourse of the left? Which are their main programmatic issues, and in which relationship are these issues with the movements’ agenda? We invite papers aiming at answering, both from theoretical and empirical perspectives, these questions and others regarding left-wing parties in Europe, their main programmatic, organizational, and cultural current characteristics and their relationship with social movements and participation.
Focus su Podemos

Chairs: Loris Caruso, Lorenzo Zamponi

Izquierda Unida e Podemos negli anni della crisi economica
Valeria Tarditi (valeria.tarditi@unical.it)
AbstractLa crisi economica internazionale, iniziata nel 2008, non è stata priva di effetti sulle dinamiche politiche di molte democrazie europee. Le difficoltà economiche e sociali hanno determinato l’emergere di diffuse proteste popolari e, in alcuni casi, favorito l’affermazione o il rafforzamento dei partiti appartenenti alla sinistra radicale. Questi ultimi perseguono un cambiamento strutturale del capitalismo, proponendo un modello di sviluppo alternativo e, secondo una parte della letteratura, farebbero parte di quelle forze in grado di intercettare la protesta derivante dalle incertezze prodotte dall’economia post-industriale e dalla globalizzazione. Inoltre è proprio grazie all’importanza che essi attribuiscono alle tematiche sociali che tenderebbero a stabilire ed espandere il loro consenso in concomitanza di condizioni economiche difficili (March 2011, Radical Left parties in Europe, Routledge). Emblematico al riguardo sembrerebbe essere il caso della democrazia spagnola dove, con l’avvento della crisi economica, all’indebolimento della sinistra moderata è corrisposto il rafforzamento di quella radicale. In occasione delle elezioni politiche del 2011 infatti il Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), al governo sin dal 2004, è stato duramente sanzionato dagli elettori per l’avvicinamento su posizioni neo-liberali, mentre il partito storico della sinistra radicale Izquierda Unida (IU) ha raddoppiato i suoi consensi rispetto alle elezioni precedenti, uscendo dal profondo declino del passato. Simili risultati si sono registrati nelle elezioni europee del 2014. Tuttavia in quest’occasione l’avanzata di IU è stata sfidata dall’emergere di un nuovo partito della sinistra radicale, Podemos. Quest’ultimo, nato pochi mesi prima delle competizioni europee, ha raggiunto risultati inaspettati e attualmente, secondo la maggioranza dei sondaggi pre-elettorali, sembrerebbe essere destinato a raccogliere un consenso molto più ampio di IU. Quest’ultima, invece, rischierebbe di tornare ai tempi della marginalità. Ma quali sono le differenze tra IU e Podemos? Quali i fattori che possono favorire Podemos rispetto ad IU nell’intercettare la protesta dei cittadini? Al fine di rispondere a queste domande si propone un’analisi qualitativa e comparata dei due partiti, volta ad individuare le loro somiglianze e differenze identitarie, organizzative e strategiche. In particolare si ipotizza che, rispetto a IU, Podemos presenti alcune caratteristiche organizzative e strategiche che gli consentono di rivolgersi a un elettorato più ampio, oltre ad essere dotato del fattore “novità”, tipico dei partititi “genuinamente nuovi” (Sikk 2012, Newness as a winning formula for new political party, in “Party Politics”) e quindi, per il momento, di una capacità di attrazione del consenso maggiore. L’analisi verrà realizzata tramite il ricorso ai documenti dei partiti e alle fonti secondarie. Inoltre si utilizzeranno alcune interviste condotte con esponenti delle due forze politiche e i risultati di un questionario con i sostenitori di Podemos. Lo studio permetterà non solo di avere una conoscenza più approfondita della sinistra spagnola, ma anche di formulare delle ipotesi generiche riguardo alla maggiore o minore capacità dei partiti della sinistra radicale (tradizionali e nuovi) di affermarsi e ampliare il loro consenso durante gli anni di crisi dell’attuale modello economico.

Dal 15M al 24M: il maggio spagnolo da Democracia Real Ya (DRY) a Podemos
Marilena Macaluso (marilena.macaluso@unipa.it)
AbstractGli elementi che indignarono gli aderenti al movimento del 15M erano connessi alla politica dettata dall’austerity, alla disoccupazione record, alla precarizzazione dei giovani con l’incremento dei contratti a termine, alle misure di ristrutturazione e riduzione dello Stato sociale, attuate allora dal Governo Zapatero su pressione di BCE e FMI, e appoggiate dal Partito Popolare. Un forte sdegno investiva inoltre una classe politica percepita come altamente corrotta in un Paese in crisi (nel 2009 – c’erano stati ben 730 processi pendenti a carico di amministratori pubblici, con il primato del PSOE con 264 casi di corruzione aperti, seguito dai 200 casi del PP). Già nel giugno 2011 si assiste ad una europeizzazione della protesta e ad una diversificazione della base sociale e generazionale del movimento. I problemi denunciati si acuiscono con il governo Rajoy. Sotto accusa è la scarsa credibilità della classe politica, asservita alle politiche imposte dai centri decisionali del capitalismo internazionale che di fatto rendono omogenee le scelte di maggioranza e opposizione. Proprio nel rivendicare la possibilità di operare scelte differenti, proponendo nuovi modelli, sta la ragion d’essere di Podemos che aspira a interrompere il processo di degrado che attraversa la democrazia rappresentativa attraverso l’introduzione di forme di democrazia partecipativa e deliberativa, contro il bipartitismo dei maggiori partiti accusati di avere “sequestrato la democrazia”. Il percorso partito dalla manifestazione a Puerta del Sol del 15 maggio 2011, dal presidio permanente (Acampada) alla rete nazionale di Democracia Real Ya, si sviluppa nella scelta di competere alle europee con un proprio partito, arrivando ai primi successi elettorali di Podemos, sino ai consensi alle amministrative del 24M. Il paper si interrogherà sulle modalità del processo di istituzionalizzazione del movimento spagnolo, sul suo percorso di trasformazione organizzativa (con un particolare focus sui processi decisionali adottati) e programmatica, sull’evoluzione delle priorità politiche, sulla formulazione dei discorsi rivolti all’elettorato e sul tipo di comunicazione adottata, sugli elementi distintivi che ne mantengono l’identità anche dopo la problematica scelta delle alleanze, sulle analogie e le differenze rispetto al tradizionale discorso culturale della sinistra. Si tenterà infine di comparare quanto sta accadendo in Spagna con un più generale processo di cambiamento che sta investendo movimenti e partiti negli altri Paesi europei.

Participatory digital platforms and political strategies from 15M to Podemos
Donatella Selva (dselva@luiss.it)
AbstractThe economic and financial crisis we are facing since 2008 and the policies adopted by governments and supra-national institutions have provoked waves of protests in the whole Western world. In particular, new political families have surged along the bias of the so-called austerity measures. This conflict is even more radicalized in countries such as Spain, which suffered severe recession and unemployment. Those conditions, together with other factors, brought to the emergence of protest movements in 2011, which coalesced in the 15M movement. The aim of this paper is to shed light on a critical point in the history of democratic Spain, from the popular protest to the birth of a new political party: this work seek to combine a communicative perspective with a political one, tracing the emergence of new models of leftist political communication in which participatory digital platforms play a fundamental role in organising action and constituency-building. Communicative and political strategies of both the protest movement and the political party are compared, with a particular reference to the combination of communicative models, the use of participatory digital platforms and social media, and the construction of a political identity. The methodology comprehends both socio-technical and political variables. First, the study focuses on the 15M movement, paying attention to the complex media repertoire ranging from commercial to alternative media and to the communicative strategies of the movement at the intersection between on line and off line realms; at the same time, an analysis of the democratic practices of the movement is carried on in the framework of previous global justice movements studies and deliberative democracy. The second step of this work is dedicated to analyse Podemos: participatory design, organisation and leadership models are under scrutiny, alongside with the use of participatory digital platforms and other media outlets. A particular emphasis is dedicated to participa.podemos.info and its participative and deliberative functioning.

 

Panel 6.3 Changing the world through taking power: movements, left and government in the European crisis (III)


The economic crisis, in the last few years, has been shaping contexts, opportunities, grievances and contents of social and political action. Recession, debt and austerity policies have been, and still are, at the core of the political discourse for every actor, both at the institutional and at the street level, both in the left and in the right, both for established actors and for new forces. This context has been characterised by the presence of significant anti-austerity mobilisations, that took different forms in different countries, and in some cases were able to shake the basis of quite established and solid political fields. Furthermore, in the last few months we have observed the emergence of progressive political forces, identified by their strong opposition towards austerity policies. An electoral upsurge of the anti-austerity left has been visible in many countries, from Greece (where in January 2015 Syriza became the largest party), to Spain (where Podemos and Izquierda Unida are polling at unprecedented level), from Ireland (where the Sinn Fein is unexpectedly becoming a contender for the government on anti-austerity grounds) to Slovenia (where a 27-year-old brought the radical left in the parliament and is still gaining ground in the polls). On the other hand, in countries like Italy and France, nothing on this kind seems to be appearing on the horizon, while in Portugal, for example, different actors are taking different direction. These cases are characterised by some similarities (the centrality of the economic crisis and austerity policies in the political discourse) and many dissimilarities (the presence of anti-austerity mobilisations, their configuration and their relationship with political actors, the long or brief history of political forces, their contents and symbolic references, etc.). The goal of this panel is to bring together research projects addressing one or more of the following issues: - Are we observing a new wave of left-wing politics in Europe? Why are these phenomena characterising certain countries instead of others? Why are in some countries pre-existing leftist actors able to take the role of anti-austerity actors, while in others new forces appear? What is the relationship between these political parties and social movements? Which forms is the relationship between society and politics taking on in these contexts? - How are social movement actors conceptualising what is happening? Have social movements decided to “take power”, breaking with a 20-year-old trend, in some countries? Is the take of national governments back in the social movement agenda, and why? How are social movements reshaping their action in countries with anti-austerity governments or prospective governments? Are concepts like populism or Euro-skepticism useful to understand these processes? - Which forms of participation, mobilisation and collective action are being experimented? Which are the main peculiar traits of parties like Podemos, Syriza, Sinn Fein? Which are the main characteristics of the discourse with which they address voters To what extent and how do they innovate the traditional discourse of the left? Which are their main programmatic issues, and in which relationship are these issues with the movements’ agenda? We invite papers aiming at answering, both from theoretical and empirical perspectives, these questions and others regarding left-wing parties in Europe, their main programmatic, organizational, and cultural current characteristics and their relationship with social movements and participation.

Chairs: Loris Caruso, Lorenzo Zamponi

Political Participation: European countries between “exit” and “voice”
Francesca Rotondo (francesca.rotondo@hotmail.it)
AbstractThe intensity and the ways by means individuals participate to the political life of contemporary democracies are drastically changing. Several studies have drawn and are still drawing attention to the decline of the electoral participation’s levels in most of the European countries, and more generally, in all the established and “old” democracies. At the same time, another important part of the literature is looking at new and heterogeneous forms of political participation that, following an opposite trend, seem to be on the rise. If in the early studies political participation was defined as “those activities by private citizens that are more or less aimed at influencing the selection of governmental personnel and/or the actions they take” (Verba and Nie, 1972), in order to take into account all other political channels of participation used by individuals in the last three decades, other scholars have included “all voluntary activities intended to influence either directly or indirectly political choices at various levels of the political system” (Marsh and Kaase, 1979). Following this last definition, political participation can be interpreted in term of “conventional” (voting, membership in or work for political parties, campaign activity, contacting public officials) and “unconventional” (petitions, demonstrations, boycotts, unofficial strikes, occupations of buildings, blocking of traffic etc..) activities (Barnes, Kaase et al, 1979). The dimension and the interconnection between the economic, political and social life of contemporary democracies have created a wide space of communication in which public debate and political contents are became more complex. The strong crisis that contemporary Institutions are experiencing has to be inserted in this political context and it needs to a redefinition of the principles of accountability and representativeness. The economic crisis and the current economic policies are doubtless an important aspect of these changes and of those occurred in the social structures. In this realm, if political goals are became much and more complex, the principle instrument of participation that democracy gives to her citizens remains only one: the vote. In fact, according to A. O. Hirschman (1982) “..the <> rule gives everyone a minimum share in public decision-making, but it also sets something of a maximum or ceiling: for example, it does not permit the citizens to register the widely different intensities with which they hold their respective political convictions and opinions”, with the consequence that some of them stop to vote. Following this perspective there are getting more people who do not believe yet in the meaning of “vote”, that are shifting away from political and economic institutions and that are suffering of a social individualism and isolation. The paper will study three specific forms of political activities that should be able to represent these three main changes in the political behavior and feelings of individuals. It will be analyzed the conventional “voting” activity, the “boycotting” activity that represents an individual unconventional ones, and finally, the “striking” as a collective form of unconventional participation. Moreover, in this paper these three forms of participation have been interpreted within the model of “exit” and “voice” proposed by A. O. Hirschman (1970; 1978). The contribution of this author in explaining the transformation that can occur in the political, institutional and economic system through the mechanisms of exit and voice, are very meaningful. If the concept of exit is ever been familiar only for the economic scientists and the voice is par excellence an instrument used in the political realm, Hirschman explains us the importance to re-evaluate the role of exits in the political life of societies and to put attention to their important consequences on the institutional structures. The aim of the paper is twofold. Firstly, in order to shed some light on the evolution occurred between institutions and individuals (through the study of individual capacity to act politically as a single or as a group), the paper will try to link (with a theoretical approach) the literature about political participation with the concept of the “exit” and “voice” proposed by Hirshman. More specifically, it will be analyzed the individual attitude to not vote for a general election as proxy of exit (exit from the conventional participation), the activity of boycott will be studied as “individual voice” while the activity of strike as “collective voice”. The second aim of this paper is to study those individual, institutional and economic characteristics that are able to influence individual political participation and more specifically, to analyze if and in what manner State’s action is able to influence the participation and the forms of political activities of its citizens. In order to carry out this last point, it will be done an empirical analysis using microdata at European level (from European Values Survey, EVS) and including a wide set of countries very different among them. In this way, controlling for some individual, institutional and economic characteristics such as the individual belonging to a political ideology or the welfare system associated to the specific country, it is possible to detect if some individual characteristics or the context where individuals live are able to affect their behavior in political participation.

No-Expo: rhetoric, imaginaries, and the challenge of a different citizenship
Niccolò Bertuzzi (n.bertuzzi1@campus.unimib.it), Paolo Borghi (paolo.borghi@unimib.it)
AbstractContemporary political (and cultural) opportunity structures (Tarrow 1989; Micheletti 2003; Reed, Foran 2002) are favoring the convergence of individuals who in the past probably would never have shared common actions. These conditions redefine possibilities of confrontation based on organization, dialogue, definition of a common minimum frame (Snow, Benford 1988; Tremayne 2014), and dynamics of adhesion to protest allowing multiple adhesion paths (Bennet, Segerberg 2011) and ways of participation (McDonald 2002); within such a situation the concept of “collective identity” need to be re-discuss: according to Melucci’s analysis (1984), McDonald (2002) underlines the necessity to overstep the relation between contemporary social movements and political dimension, to better focus on personal participation. This radical change invites individuals to react against de-individualization processes (Touraine 2000), through reflexive and self-narrative paths (Dubar 2000): in contemporary forms of protest, individual dimension is both an expressive form and part of collective action (Micheletti, McFarland 2010), and the challenge to find “other codes” (Melucci 1984; 1996) can’t no more revolve around the dichotomy “us/them” (Alteri 2014). In this sense, No-Expo Network is a clear example of a variegated cluster of subjectivities (collective and individual ones), promoters of practices and alternative scenarios (Alteri, Raffini 2014), who find their “master frame” in a general critic to capitalism in its various components (Pleyers 2011; Chester, Welsh 2007). We will briefly remember the coalition’s composition, indicating main collective actors and trying to make order in this archipelago (Diani 1995) underlying different levels of “in-degree centrality” (Freeman 1979): we do this through some interviews with activists and through an analysis of web communication strategies. After this, we propose an in-depth analysis based on main documents produced by No-Expo Network: starting from a precise qualitative work on this material, coded and then re-framed in specific categories, we identified 3 macro-frames: 1) big events, power and right to the city; 2) biopolitics; 3) rhetoric and imaginaries construction. In the paper we will focus on the construction of rhetoric and imaginaries, specifically focusing on different marketing devices used by Expo2015, namely greenwashing and pinkwashing operation, aimed at presenting the event as a brand with an important message (feeding the planet, energy for life) and overshadowing its real critical dimensions. We will propose our reconstruction of No-Expo discourse relating these aspects, in a continuous link between movement area’s constructivist perspective (Castells 1997) and our sociological point of view, certainly referred to critical approaches (Wright Mills 1959; Freire 1968; Gouldner 1970) applied to social movement studies (Bevington, Dixon 2005; Maddison, Scalmer 2006), but at the same time maintaining its own scientific peculiarity, not falling into partisanship (Milan 2014).

Performing Resistance: Astérix in the context of the No Tav Movement
Lorenzo Pedrini (l.pedrini5@campus.unimib.it)
AbstractCultural production is a crucial feature of social movements. Accordingly, the study of social movements has increasingly included the role of culture and the arts. On the one hand, social movements have culture in the anthropological sense of shared understanding; on the other hand, they also do creative activities with music, drama and literature. The paper examines the cultural dimension of social movements considering the manipulation of the poetic and the aesthetic of the popular comic “Astérix” carried out by the No TAV movement in the Susa valley. This movement, which has been fighting against the public project for a high-speed railway line (TAV) from Turin to Lyon since 1990s, has recently received scholarly attention (della Porta, Piazza, 2008; Caruso, 2010). Nevertheless, one of the most neglected features of the movement is the ubiquity of the comic in the valley’s everyday life. The adventures of Astérix are set in the Susa valley in two comic books produced by a few activists. Furthermore, some characters can be seen on objects, on websites, and in the villages of the valley at different stages of mobilization. Using the analytical framework developed by cultural studies to deal with the processes of creation and exchange of meaning among members of social groups, the presentation focuses on the role of Astérix in the movement’s weltanschauung. It stresses how the representations that link together the two worlds are related to the resistance against TAV. From August 2012 till October 2014 ethnographic methods – including interviews, participant observation and categorization of visual materials – were used to collect data. The in-depth study posits three viewpoints that highlight the relationships between Astérix and the No TAV struggle. Collective Identity: the nexus of comic-reality simultaneously reinforces and breaks the symbolic boundaries that divide those who belong to the movement – such as newcomers and senior activists, locals and foreigners. Repertoire of contention: the representations are strategic to the resistance; they produce consequences for collective action, too. Dynamic of contention: the representations supply activists with a linguistic repertoire from which they draw in order to locate objects, individuals and events within/without the No TAV collectivity. By effectively exploiting Astérix, people can manage the ongoing resistance.

 

Panel 6.4 I percorsi dell'immigrazione tra emergenza e cittadinanza: problemi, sfide, benefici


I percorsi dell’immigrazione non sono solo quelli geografici che segnano il cammino che gli immigrati normalmente compiono nel loro viaggio dalle regioni più povere e instabili del pianeta verso quelle più ricche e sicure. Essi attraversano anche spazi tematici e categorie differenti, segnando una direzione ‘ideale’ che può integrare gli immigrati all’interno di nuove comunità d’appartenenza, siano esse economiche (l’integrazione nel mercato del lavoro), socio-culturali (l’integrazione nella maggioranza nazionale) o più propriamente politiche (l’integrazione nella comunità dei cittadini). Il cammino ‘reale’ può peraltro prendere direzioni ben differenti. Alle volte esso s’interrompe fin da subito, alla frontiera o tra flutti che non perdonano; altre volte devia solo un po’ più tardi, nell’indigenza, nell’emergenza sanitaria, o magari tra le maglie della criminalità. Per alcuni immigrati si tratta poi di un cammino circolare, che spesso li riporta giusto al punto di partenza, da dove sono partiti. Eppur per molti altri il cammino progredisce, seppur solo molto lentamente, spesso nell’avvicendarsi delle generazioni che si succedono. La discussione di questo panel si concentrerà cosi sugli ostacoli ‘reali’, che spesso rendono incompiuti i percorsi dell’immigrazione. Si valuterà quanto questi ultimi differiscano, e perché, dal percorso idealmente segnato verso l’integrazione economica, socio-culturale e politica. Gli immigrati verranno considerati nella loro molteplice dimensionalità, che essi rappresentino un grave problema per le nostre democrazie (emergenze sanitarie, clandestinità, criminalità), o piuttosto un’opportunità (ringiovanimento della popolazione, sostentamento del welfare e del mercato del lavoro), o ancora lo stesso materiale cittadino delle poleis contemporanee (l’immigrato cittadino, elettore, o ancora rappresentante). Il panel accoglierà sia papers normativi, sia papers empirici (con una preferenza per i papers esplicativi a quelli meramente descrittivi). Il fine ultimo e quello di iniziare una riflessione sui vari tasselli che compongono i percorsi dell’immigrazione, al fine di metterli assieme e di guadagnare uno sguardo comprensivo e multi-dimensionale che consideri problemi, sfide, e benefici dell’immigrazione.

Chairs: Manlio Cinalli

La mobilitazione politica dei migranti contro il caporalato in Puglia
Angelo Scotto (angelo.scotto01@universitadipavia.it)
AbstractIn questo paper si analizza il modo in cui i lavoratori stagionali stranieri impiegati in agricoltura in due province pugliesi (Foggia e Lecce) reagiscono al fenomeno del caporalato. L’obiettivo è analizzare come i migranti temporanei, impegnandosi in forme di partecipazione politica per la difesa dei propri interessi, possano mettere in moto processi di cambiamento delle politiche che favoriscono l’intera collettività. Il caporalato è una forma di mediazione illecita al lavoro, in cui i mediatori si assumono la responsabilità e il potere della selezione della manodopera e, nel caso dell’agricoltura, del trasporto dei braccianti sul luogo di lavoro. I lavoratori si trovano così esposti a situazioni di sfruttamento, che nel caso dei migranti sono aggravate dall’assenza di risorse materiali e reti sociali sul territorio che possano proteggerli dagli eccessi dei mediatori, che possono arrivare, come è effettivamente successo, all’imposizione di lavoro coercitivo. Tuttavia, sono stati proprio gli immigrati a reagire, in diversi casi, contro le pessime condizioni di vita e di lavoro causate dal caporalato. Se in molti di questi casi la reazione è consistita in proteste in forma anomica, nella provincia di Lecce invece si è tradotta in una mobilitazione organizzata dei lavoratori stranieri che è riuscita ottenere un’ampia visibilità a livello sia locale sia nazionale, e ad influenzare le scelte di policy sul tema del caporalato. Nell’altra provincia analizzata, quella di Foggia, nonostante una maggiore estensione e gravità delle situazioni di sfruttamento e di condizioni di vita deteriori, non si è verificata un’analoga reazione dei lavoratori migranti, ma c’è stato comunque un forte sviluppo di iniziative di varia natura (progetti, campi di lavoro, campagne di sensibilizzazione, ecc.) per contrastare il caporalato, in cui operatori del privato sociale e lavoratori stranieri, singolarmente o in gruppi, hanno collaborato per cercare e di migliorare le condizioni di vita dei braccianti e per influenzare le politiche locali, regionali e nazionali in materia. Nel paper lo studio dei due casi partirà da una descrizione delle migrazioni stagionali nelle due province, del caporalato e delle attività e mobilitazioni contro di esso. Saranno poi analizzati i fattori che hanno condizionato le diverse modalità di azione politica, in particolare: le modalità di insediamento dei lavoratori stranieri sul territorio, la presenza o meno di leader nella protesta contro il caporalato, il ruolo delle organizzazioni del terzo settore che prestano assistenza ai migranti. Infine, nel descrivere l’impatto delle attività contro il caporalato sui decisori politici, saranno analizzate le modalità con cui si è sviluppata la rete di policy tra i diversi attori pubblici e privati.

Un lungo percorso a ostacoli: l’inclusione dei non cittadini tra test di integrazione, discriminazioni e stratificazione civica
Enrico Gargiulo (enrico.gargiulo@digspes.unipmn.it)
AbstractNell’Italia degli ultimi anni, il percorso di inclusione dei non cittadini è stato contrassegnato – a livello statale così come a livello locale, sul piano economico ma anche sul piano politico e su quello socio-culturale – dal continuo incontro con barriere di natura legale e amministrativa. Il processo di integrazione degli immigrati, di conseguenza, si è andato caratterizzando come un lungo (e lento) percorso a ostacoli. Questi ostacoli a volte sono introdotti mediante lo strumento della legge o del decreto, e altre volte attraverso mezzi meno visibili e diretti ma non per questo meno efficaci: regolamenti, provvedimenti amministrativi (ordinanze o circolari) e “semplici” prassi burocratiche. Obiettivo di questo paper, che si basa sui risultati di un lavoro di ricerca avente come oggetto le politiche di esclusione di livello locale e le politiche di integrazione di livello statale, è analizzare le modalità attraverso cui il percorso a ostacoli dei migranti si va articolando e le ragioni che lo rendono così impervio. Più in dettaglio, si cercherà di evidenziare come in Italia, soprattutto a partire dalla metà del primo decennio degli anni 2000, la visione istituzionale dell’integrazione sia cambiata piuttosto nettamente: l’inserimento dei non cittadini nella società italiana, da diritto (riservato però agli immigrati regolari), è diventato un dovere; al contempo l’idea che sia opportuno effettuare una selezione degli immigrati “meritevoli” di soggiornare nel territorio italiano si è diffusa sempre più. Questo cambiamento è esemplificato, a livello centrale, dall’adesione dei governi italiani alla logica della civic integration (visibile prima nella pubblicazione della Carta dei valori e poi nell’introduzione dell’Accordo di integrazione) mentre, a livello periferico, dalla “stagione delle ordinanze” che si è andata articolando a cavallo dell’emanazione dei vari provvedimenti componenti il Pacchetto sicurezza. La trasformazione dell’idea di integrazione, in sintesi, oltre a tradursi in una visione differenzialista dell’inserimento dei non cittadini nella società italiana, è stata accompagnata da forme più o meno visibili ed esplicite di discriminazione istituzionale che hanno provocato un aumento – potenziale e spesso reale – della stratificazione civica e, di conseguenza, una vera e propria “precarizzazione” delle forme di appartenenza. Questa trasformazione non è rilevante soltanto sul piano politico e culturale, ma anche su quello economico: la condizione di vulnerabilità a cui molti migranti, nonostante il loro status di regolarità, sono ridotti dalle diverse barriere normative e burocratiche contribuisce alla costruzione di soggetti lavoratori docili e malleabili, maggiormente predisposti, nell’ambito del mercato del lavoro, ad accettare regole del gioco e vincoli dettati da attori “autoctoni” che detengono un potere contrattuale decisamente più elevato. Allo scopo di mostrare i tratti costituitivi di questa trasformazione, il paper qui proposto adotterà una prospettiva particolare: quella dell’intersezionalità tra i meccanismi giuridici e amministrativi tramite cui i percorsi di inclusione sono concretamente gestiti. A tal fine, verrà impiegato un insieme di strategie di indagine piuttosto eterogeneo: analisi documentale e del discorso, interviste, analisi di dati amministrativi.

Una policy alla prova: il ruolo della prefettura e la rete territoriale per l’integrazione territoriale
Chiara Facello (chiara.face@libero.it)
AbstractDal 10 marzo 2012 è entrato in vigore l’accordo di integrazione tra lo straniero e lo Stato (emanato con D.P.R. 14 settembre 2011, n.179). Da tale data, gli stranieri che faranno ingresso nel territorio nazionale per la prima volta e richiederanno un permesso di soggiorno di durata non inferiore ad un anno, dovranno sottoscrivere tale accordo. Con tale istituto ci si impegna, da parte dello Stato, ad assicurare il godimento dei diritti fondamentali e di fornire gli strumenti che consentano di acquisire la lingua, la cultura ed i principi della Costituzione italiana; da parte del cittadino straniero, l'impegno al rispetto delle regole della società civile, al fine di perseguire, nel reciproco interesse, un ordinato percorso di integrazione (ricerca di un lavoro, iscrizione al sistema sanitario nazionale, situazione abitativa regolare, livello adeguato di conoscenza della lingua italiana, sufficiente conoscenza dei principi fondamentali della Carta costituzionale, della cultura civica e della vita civile in Italia, assenza di reati). A tre anni dall’entrata in vigore della legge si può iniziare a fare un bilancio sullo stato di attuazione della legge. Infatti, è prevista la verifica dell’effettiva capacità di integrazione dello straniero esattamente dopo due anni dalla stipula dell’Accordo, in seguito prorogato a tre anni. In questo quadro, il lavoro che qui si presenta ha l’obiettivo di analizzare l’impatto che tale strumento ha avuto tanto sulle pubbliche amministrazioni a vario titolo coinvolte nel processo di integrazione (Prefettura, Questura, Sistema Sanitario Regionale, ecc.) quanto sui reali percorsi di integrazione dei cittadini stranieri. La base empirica utilizzata si fonda sui dati raccolti nell’ambito di un Progetto di capacity building in corso di svolgimento presso la Prefettura di Ragusa finanziato dal Fondo Europeo per l’integrazione (FEI). L’indagine è condotta attraverso un approccio di tipo qualitativo, ricorrendo a interviste semistrutturate e a focus group rivolti ad amministratori locali, operatori sociali, interlocutori istituzionali del mondo scolastico, socio-sanitario e culturale, associazioni di immigrati, rappresentanti di organismi impegnati nel mondo dell’immigrazione e della mediazione culturale. Il paper darà conto, innanzitutto, del contesto territoriale di riferimento: la Prefettura di Ragusa è in prima linea nella gestione degli sbarchi e nel 2011 ha registrato una presenza di 20.956 immigrati con una incidenza della popolazione pari al 6,6%, la più alta delle province siciliane, facendo emergere nuove e specifiche esigente date dal mutato contesto socio-demografico. Successivamente, attraverso questa ricognizione e utilizzando i dati dei flussi migratori nel periodo 2011-2015, si analizzeranno i servizi presenti sul territorio per una fattiva integrazione dei migranti ed, in particolare, gli esiti raggiunti dalla introduzione dell’accordo di integrazione in termini di effettiva messa in opera di tale strumento.

Immigrazione «illegale» in Europa: una riflessione sulla categoria di emergenza nelle retoriche della società del rischio.
Cecilia Santilli (santilli.cecilia@gmail.com)
AbstractNell’attuale clima politico italiano ed europeo la questione dell’immigrazione sembra essere diventata una vera e propria emergenza. L’immagine di un’invasione dei confini europei da parte del Sud del mondo e l’idea di scarsità delle risorse sociali nazionali (Vacchiano, 2011; Fassin, 2005) dominano i dibattiti pubblici sull’immigrazione entrando a far parte del senso comune. Questo intervento che nasce da una ricerca in antropologia politica sulle problematiche dell’accesso alla salute di migranti affetti da HIV o da epatite b in Francia e in Italia, intende indagare il significato storico del concetto di emergenza e il suo progressivo utilizzo nella definizione della gestione dei flussi migratori. A partire dalla contestualizzazione della politica dell’immigrazione italiana nel quadro europeo e dalla genealogia delle politiche dell’emergenza, intese come messa in atto di una forma di « stato di eccezione » (Agamben, 2008), l’intervento vuole riflettere sui modi in cui lo Stato ridefinisce la sua sovranità attraverso la costruzione di specifiche retoriche socio-politiche.

 
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