12-14 Settembre 2024
Sezioni Convegno SISP 2024
Per il prossimo Convegno SISP sono state istituite 14 Sezioni in accordo con tutti gli Standing Groups, di cui 12 Sezioni ordinarie e 2 ‘Sezioni Jolly’ approvate dal Comitato Direttivo SISP.
Tale elenco potrà essere modificato dal CD su base biennale tenendo conto del consolidamento di alcune tematiche emergenti nella disciplina.
Le 2 Sezioni Jolly hanno l’obiettivo di coinvolgere maggiormente quegli Standing Group che non hanno una propria Sezione di riferimento, oltre che il Comitato organizzatore locale.
Coordinatori: Tiziana Corda, Gianni Del Panta, Alessandra Russo
The Section “Political Regimes and Transitions” sees for the first time the collaboration and synergies of the Standing Groups “Political Regimes” and “Russia and the Post-Soviet Space”. It aims to gather together researchers who, starting from different perspectives (e.g. comparative politics, international relations, political theory, area studies) and based on a plurality of methodologies (both quantitative and qualitative), study democratic and non- democratic regimes, global and regional trends of democratization and autocratization, and the processes of regime change, including their determinants and possible consequences, as well as their relations to foreign-policy making and international/transnational dimensions. Whereas special attention is paid to post-communist countries – the so-called “Global East” – different area specialisms and comparative endavours are warmly encouraged. Within this admittedly broad framework, we encourage the submission of panel proposals
addressing one or more research topics from the following non-exhaustive list:
– The comparative study of democratic and non-democratic regimes, with a focus on both institutions, public policies, and socio-economic performance;
– The analysis of the various phases of the processes of regime change, such as democratization, autocratization, and other kinds of regime transition and transformation;
– The analysis of the impact of the processes of regime change and transformation on public policies and development;
– The analysis of the quality of contemporary democratic regimes in light of the challenges that they have recently faced;
– The examination of the functioning of contemporary authoritarian regimes and of their survival strategies;
– The study of the phenomenon of democratic resilience and the strategies of resistance against autocratization;
– The investigation of the sub-national and supranational dimensions of democratization and autocratization;
– Regime stability, survival and successions in the framework of illiberal and hybrid political orders;
– International trends of democratic backsliding, and international mechanisms and practices of democracy promotion and protection;
– The international dimension of authoritarianism and the contestation of / resistance to the diffusion of liberal-democratic norms and institutions.
Coordinatori: Marco Almagisti, Antonio Campati, Diego Giannone, Damiano Palano
Coordinatori:Elisabetta De Giorgi, Selena Grimaldi, Andrea Pedrazzani
Coordinatori: Fabio Bordignon, Rossana Sampugnaro
According to a recent Eurobarometer survey, a plurality of EU citizens (38%), when asked to identify the primary threats to democracy, cite “false and/or misleading information in general circulating online and offline”. 22% mention “propaganda and false/misleading information from a non-democratic foreign source”. Approximately half of EU citizens (51%) identify “voters having access to accurate information to make an informed choice” as one of the most crucial aspects of free and fair elections. In the great election year of 2024 – involving the EU, the US, Russia, and India among the others – the challenges impacting political systems and the resilience of democracy are increasingly intertwined with the realms of political communication, the role of the media, and technological development. In the World Economic Forum Global Risks Perception Survey 2023-2024, which drew on the insights of about 1500 experts, misinformation and disinformation emerge as the most severe global risk expected to escalate over the next two years, fueling social and political polarisation. Meanwhile, the rapid evolution of technology and the spread of AI are broadening the frontiers of the mediatization and digitization of politics. The use of big data, algorithms and microtargeting provide new tools for the running of election campaigns, raising numerous questions about the scope for manipulation and the integrity of the electoral process. In a broader sense, these trends fuel reflection on the consequences of the digital revolution on the political sphere and political representation.
This section invites panels that deal with the topic of political communication in its different domains, relying on a plurality of theoretical approaches and empirical methods.
We welcome contributions that provide reflections in the more traditional fields of research, as well as contributions that take into account the new phenomena of fragmentation, decentralization, and dis/re-intermediation of political communication at the local, national, and international levels.
Proposed panels are expected to fall within the following research areas:
– public and institutional communication;
– electoral communication and campaign management;
– data-driven campaigning and microtargeting;
– the media and political participation;
– digital media and new forms of political action;
– the effects of the media on citizens and public opinion;
– the link between political systems and the media;
– the relationship between politics and journalism;
– disintermediation and re-intermediation;
– the globalization of political communication;
– political communication and digital technologies in international relations and conflicts;
– international migration and its narrative(s);
– political communication and scientific communication (in the context of health crises);
– the role of platforms and social networks;
– methods and techniques of data collection and processing in communication studies;
– rhetoric and narratives of politics;
– the personalization of politics and political leadership;
– digital parties;
– popularization of politics and celebrity politics;
– mis-information, disinformation and fake news;
– political incivility and hate speech;
– populist communication and media logic(s);
– political polarization and the media;
– digital media governance;
– the opportunities and challenges posed by the evolution of artificial intelligence;
– the challenges of the ‘platform society’;
– digital constitutionalism;
– political communication and the transformation of democracy (and representation). The section is also open to consider proposals on additional topics related to the field of political communication.
Panels may include contributions either with a theoretical perspective or empirical analysis. Methodologically, both qualitative and quantitative research approaches as well as contributions based on mixed-methods research designs are welcomed. In addition, panel proposals that present a comparative perspective are particularly encouraged. Panels and papers may be in Italian or (fully or partly) in English.
Coordinatori: Massimiliano Andretta, Alberto Bitonti, Giuliana Sorci
The section welcomes and invites panel proposals about the transformations that have affected social movements, grassroots political participation, interest groups politics, lobbying and advocacy in recent years.
With the advent of emergencies due to the COVID-19 pandemic, and the war in Ukraine and Palestine, a crisis of conventional forms of political participation and representative democracy has been spreading, together with a general growth of grassroots political participation. New waves of mobilizations against the politics of containment of the pandemic did spread both in Europe and beyond, transforming the global squares into protest arenas for social movements. These mobilizations featured both the emergence and re-emergence of various kinds of old and new collective actors: with a new protagonism by anti-gender and anti-progressive movements – like those being present in some Eastern European countries (Poland and Hungary), who support the limitations to abortion rights and women reproductive rights (greatly weakening their self-determination) and of the rights of the LGBTQ+ community, that becomes a target of discriminatory politics by nationalist and reactionary governments. Movements against Covid certification and vaccines have thrived upon the transversal participation of right- and left-wing social movements, and of parties and movements of clearly populist character. Environmental justice movements poured into the global squares against climate change, sparking policy battles between different types of interest groups; the trans-feminist movements organized mobilizations against gender violence suffered by women on a transnational scale, and various labour conflicts kept surfacing in the political agenda at different levels.
New mobilizations and transformations of forms of collective action within new repertoires, identities, and solidarities emerged – also linked to digital media and social networking platforms, allowing movements and interest groups to organize and spread their claims. At the same time, there are also forms of polarization from below (e.g., about vaccines, hate speech, conspiracy theories, fake news, and disinformation). Resort to social networking platforms by activists and citizens also resulted in the dissemination of conspiracy theories and fake news about the causes of the origin of the pandemic, the production of vaccines, and the war in Ukraine and Palestine becoming viral on social networks. While policymakers often react with “emergency measures” to crises, social movements refuse the emergency narrative proposed by power holders, recalling the structural nature of such crises, and trying to overturn the perception of the irreversibility of the events. Thus, while social movements defend rights that are perceived as at risk, they also suggest other possible solutions and narratives, building networks based on mutual trust and solidarity. Current times are characterized by the effects of the Covid-19 period, the war, the spread of illiberal governments, climate change, and the socio-economic crisis. These are all circumstances that affect policy and politics, but they are also struggle fields and opportunities for progressive social movements and counter-movements, as well as for a multitude of interest groups of different kinds (corporate players, labour unions, professional associations, environmentalist organizations and public interest groups, religious groups, etc.), operating at local, national, and international levels.
The section calls for the presentation of panels covering these themes, starting from empirical research reflecting the adequacy of theoretical and methodological tools that were used until now to analyze, understand, and explain these processes. Contributes featuring a comparative analysis approach and special attention to methodology, with mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative) approaches, will be well received.
This section aims to host panels discussing the relationship between social movements, interest groups, and traditional political actors (e.g., political parties), analyzing the processes involved across different stages of the policy and influence-production cycles, in mobilization (looking at the role of organization, violence, fundraising, as well as digital technologies in local, national and transnational mobilizations), lobbying and advocacy (targeting policymakers as well as the larger public opinion), political access, and outcomes in terms of influence and policy.
Panels are welcome, regarding:
Local and transnational movements, spreading of protest
Interest groups politics, advocacy and lobbying
Environmental and urban mobilization
Labour Conflicts and social movements
New and ‘old’ movements and interest groups
Gender-related movements, anti-gender themes and feminism
Movements and interest groups turning into parties
The “game” of influence in specific policy processes
Methodological and conceptual challenges in studying movements, interest groups, collective action, and influence
Political participation and new forms of digital activism
Emotions and social movements
Arts, politics and movements
Prefigurative politics and movements
Communication strategies of movements and interest groups
Corporate political activities
Coordinatori: Marco Di Giulio, Renata Lizzi, Laura Polverari
The section hosts panels on the factors and conditions that favor or inhibit innovation and learning in democracies in times of turbulence. The invitation is to deal with transversal issues that can be addressed from multiple perspectives and dimensions: reforms, the public-private relationship, science and new technologies, evaluation, human rights, the role of experts, big data, social and environmental sustainability.
In an era of global change, such as the climate crisis, the pandemic emergency linked to the spread of Covid-19, and the transformation of the balance of power at the international level, the ability to plan, effectively implement, and evaluate the impact of policies and services on beneficiaries will be an important yardstick of public intervention in the coming years.
In this vein, the section calls for panels tackling the complex challenges that governments and communities at various levels – local, national, and supranational – face through the Next Generation EU framework. How can government policies and administrations provide credible answers to new programming and investment opportunities?
Identifying and testing innovative solutions implementing and evaluating their effectiveness regarding old and new problems and needs is now the challenge to measure the success and failure of policies. Moreover, government action’s not always positive impacts suggest considering the potential and limits of new ideas, tools, strategies, governance systems, and new forms of citizen involvement in decision-making processes. In this sense, transversality, coordination, and policy coherence represent new theoretical and methodological challenges.
The section invites proposals of panels, workshops, and round tables on topics that, although traditional, can be treated with innovative techniques and points of view. It also invites the
community to reflect on continuity and innovation within the public policy analysis field itself. It invites proponents to reflect on the significant challenges posed, for example, by big data and the use of artificial intelligence (AI), and on the stimuli coming from new approaches, such as the behavioral public policy and the experimental approach to public administration that enrich more consolidated methods and paradigms. Lastly, proposals would also be welcome that relate to: (i) the implementation of devolved policies in a framework of (potential) differentiated autonomy (law decree 1 February 2023); (ii) the digitalization of the public sector and of public policies (e.g. e- health); (iii) administrative capacity building, recruiting and career development of PA staff, also in the light of crisis management, foresight and risk management; (iv) the future directions of public policy and public administration research, and the theories of policy and public administration change, and theory development. Papers that couch the Italian case in wider comparative analyses will be particularly welcome. While paper and panel proposals will be received in both Italian and English, efforts will be paid to organize at least one panel in the English language to attract scholars from abroad.
Coordinatori: Emidio Diodato, Sonia Lucarelli
The IR section of the 2024 SISP conference aims particularly at exploring the concept of liminality in international politics. Liminality (from the Latin līmen, “a threshold”) in anthropology is the condition of ambiguity or disorientation experienced by individuals or groups in the midst of a rite of passage. In other words, the concept captures the moment of transition between the status quo ante and status ex-post. The current international environment seems to be precisely in this moment of transition from a known ex-ante state to an unclear ex-post. This is the condition of interregnum, when the old is dying, the new cannot be born, and a great variety of morbid symptoms appear. This exceptionally long transitional moment is manyfold. Shifting cognitive, geographic, normative and ideational borders are probably the most clear manifestation of such liminality.
The section welcomes panels addressing different aspects of liminality as moments of transition towards an undefined destination, as well as debate and contestation in the liminal space. Hence, the section welcomes panels that tackle the theoretical and/or empirical aspects of the overall topic. Examples could include panels on New, post and post-post colonialism in the West’s foreign policy; Shifting borders and identities in specific areas; The geopoliticization of the EU; Liberal norms and their contestants; The implication of the nonlinear dynamical system of technological transformation of international politics.
Coordinatori: Silvia Bolgherini, Bruno Marino, Fulvio Venturino
This section aims to include panels and papers focusing on the three areas corresponding to the interests of the Standing Group “Parties, Public Opinion, and Elections” and the Standing Group “Candidate and Leader Selection”.
Prospective panels and papers may revolve around local, national and supranational elections, be theoretically and/or empirically oriented, adopt quantitative methods (for instance by analyzing survey or aggregate data) as well as qualitative methods, focus on case studies or have a more comparative perspective.
The following (non-exhaustive) list suggests some possible topics for contributions to the section’s activities.
1. Political Parties
A first approach focuses on party systems and on parties as organizations. The former topic includes the analysis of format, (de)institutionalization, level of polarization, and electoral volatility. The latter entails the examination of party models, party membership, and intraparty democracy (candidate selection, leader selection, intra-party ballots).
A second, more recent, approach pays attention to candidates and party leaders as (more or less) powerful actors in elections, parties, and institutions (i.e., parliaments or governments, also in connection with the area of research of the personalization of politics).
A third approach focuses on parties as central actors in general elections (e.g., regarding electoral supply or coalition-building strategies) but also in parliaments and governments (i.e, party elites in parliaments and cabinets, MPs’ and ministers’ careers patterns, different patterns of representation, institutional and decisional processes).
2. Public opinion
We welcome contributions related to different topics. First of all, the study public opinion’ s attitudes towards political issues, public policies, both in electoral and non-electoral times. Second, the causes and consequences of a possible increase in ideological or affective polarization among different groups of citizens.
We are particularly interested in a series of topics related to elections in both democratic and hybrid regimes; electoral campaigns and electoral systems, in connection with candidates’ and parties’ behavior and performance; negative campaigning and its consequences for affective polarization; voting behavior at any territorial level.
Coordinatori: Giorgia Nesti, Stefania Ravazzi
The Section ‘Federalism, Regional and Local Studies’ promotes the research and analysis on the topics of sub-national politics, center-periphery relations, and local and regional public policies with the aim to stimulate the debate among scholars but also between academics and practitioners on the role of local communities and actors in solving complex political and policy challenges.
Local contexts are at the intersection of complex dynamics that merit to be deeply investigated from a political science perspective. Indeed, the 2008 economic crisis, climate change, ageing population, growing economic and social inequalities, and health emergencies, natural disasters, the refugee crisis, and technological development have posed new and pressing challenges to sub-national governments.
The European Union is performing an increasing relevant role in defining the local agenda both at the regional and at the urban level. Regional policy still represents the EU’s main investment policy targeted to overcome territorial disparities through Cohesion policies. But the Commission is also promoting several initiatives to cope with new problems such as efficient use of resources, the green and digital transition that may exacerbate existing inequalities and produce new ones. Cohesion policy aspires to help European regions and cities solve these problems, but it also calls them to adopt a placed-based approach fostering integrated territorial development, partnerships, and investments, and enhancing complementarities among other EU policies.
Moreover, the implementation of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP), with its huge investments in several policy sectors, requires every level of the Italian public administration to be able to manage funding and interventions effectively, efficiently and transparently.
Regional and local authorities are, therefore, called to put in place collaborative arrangements between public administration and profit and non-profit actors, integrated policy approaches, and coordination processes between institutional levels, that require strategic administrative capacities which are in some respect underdeveloped in Italy.
Regions and Municipalities are also the primary locus of political participation. In Italy electoral turnout has been high for decades but the recent elections in the regions Lombardy and Lazio saw a dramatic increase in abstentionism. And many commentators are wondering if this result is ushering a new season of distrust in traditional parties and in local governance. In the meanwhile, other forms of participation at the local level, like for instance volunteerism and civic associationism, are consolidating and new ones linked, for instance, to consumption, like solidarity purchasing groups or energy communities, are emerging.
Finally, an interesting topic in Italy in the academic debate about local politics is the re-launch of the debate on differentiated autonomy is going to raise a sharp debate about solidarity among territories, reallocation of competences and powers among institutional levels and related potential conflicts, administrative capacities, and citizens’ rights.
Against this backdrop, a deep knowledge of local political dynamics, policy processes, actors’ relationships, and policy tools are particularly urgent, for both policy-makers and academics, in order to solve present and future complex challenges.
The Section invites proposals for panels and round tables, in Italian and English, that address issues related to local politics, local policies and local governance, in a national and/or comparative perspective, adopting a theoretical or a qualitative and/or a quantitative empirical approach.
A list of possible – but not exhaustive – research topics is the following:
The study of single or comparative case studies of policymaking in urban policy areas – such as environmental sustainability, housing, mobility, care, education, commerce, tourism, etc. – in their substantive components: agenda-setting, formulation, implementation analysis, and impact assessment.
The analysis of emerging policy problems at the local level, of their potential impact on local communities, the challenges they pose to local policymakers, and the solution adopted to cope with them by local actors.
The analysis of urban policies from a multi-level governance perspective with a particular focus on the type of relationships that could emerge among different institutional actors and the threats and opportunities engendered by multi-level settings.
The study of policy-design and the description and analysis of policy tools adopted by local policy-makers to implement urban policies aimed at addressing complex social, economic, and environmental challenges.
The analysis of new urban challenges and related policy solutions and governance strategies
Innovation in local policy-making processes and the adoption of innovative and experimental approaches to policy formulation and implementation, including devices and processes of policy and services co-design and co-production among different actors, creative conflict management processes and deliberative practices.
The development of crisis governance from a multi-level and decentralized perspective in urban policy areas, the role of local policy actors and political leaders in crisis management and in prevention and recovery policies.
Local institutional reforms, from processes of territorial rescaling and reorganization of peripheral units in various public administration sectors (e.g. health, education, local public services) to local government reforms.
The description of mechanisms adopted to select the local political class, the description and analysis of the characteristics of the elected politicians, the analysis of the outcomes of electoral competitions, of party dynamics emerging between the local and the national level, of vote behavior at the local level, the description and analysis of council formation processes.
The debate about differentiated autonomy and its potential impacts on the redistribution of competences between Regions and Municipalities, on institutional capacities, and on national cohesion.
The intersection of processes of federalism, regionalism, independentism, with the emergence of sovereignist parties and their impact on electoral dynamics at the local level.
The study of political participatory dynamics at the local level with particular reference to membership in regional parties, adhesion to social movements, civic activism, volunteerism, and associationism.
The analysis of local public administration characteristics and administrative capacities, and their appropriateness to cope with old and new policy problems, to manage multi-level policies, and to implement NRRP interventions.
Coordinatori: Alessia Damonte, Federica Genovese
The SISP Section on Methods for Political Science is home to proposals delving into any aspect of empirical methodology. It welcomes submissions about issues in, and applications of, concept analysis, measurement, computational techniques, modeling, research design, causal inference, and theory development and testing. Applications can discuss either single- or multi-method strategies in any substantive subfield of political science and cognate disciplines. Proposals that improve the dialogue among frequentist, logical, Bayesian, or radically subjectivist approaches to empirical knowledge are encouraged.
The Section also welcomes discussions on replicability, Open Science and the FAIRification of political data, and teaching methods for political scientists. Besides, proposals that address the Conference theme, and proposals with ties to other Sections are especially welcome. The Section will consider proposals for individual papers and posters as well as complete panels, roundtables, and open workshops.
Coordinatori: Edoardo Bressanelli, Igor Guardiancich, Sorina Cristina Soare
Scholars have described the period that began in the second half of 2008 – when the economic and financial crisis hit the EU – as the “polycrisis” or “permacrisis” of the Union. Starting with the Eurocrisis, moving on with the migration and refugee crisis, the long-process of withdrawal of the UK leading to Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the new conflicts in its neighbourhood, the EU has been confronted with a dramatic string of unprecedented events. While the EU has managed to navigate through the storm, the crises have fuelled support for anti-EU and populist parties, contesting the EU and its policies sometimes from the highest executive office in some Member states.
The ongoing five-year cycle, initiated in 2019, represents a crucial juncture for the European Union, characterized notably by the absence of an absolute majority between the center-right (embodied by the European People’s Party) and the center-left (the Socialists and Democrats) in the European Parliament. As this cycle approaches its culmination, the EU is gearing up for the renewal of its Parliament in June 2024 and the subsequent selection of a new President of the Commission. The upcoming elections to appoint the next European Parliament, along with nine other parliamentary elections across European countries, are anticipated to witness the relative decline of mainstream parties and the emergence of various challengers in 2024. Moreover, the ongoing conflicts on the EU’s doorstep and the 2024 US presidential elections are expected to exert significant influence on the trajectory of the European project. It is worth noting that these elections are likely to be influenced by the threat of online disinformation and the increasing role of artificial intelligence (AI) in shaping political discourse and electoral outcomes.
Despite these serious, we could call them ‘quasi-existential’ setbacks, it has to be, however, stressed that the mistakes that had been made in the aftermath of the sovereign debt crisis – for example the rushed endorsement of the doctrine dubbed “expansive austerity” – and which have done so much harm by alienating voters and governments, thereby fundamentally shaking the foundations of the European project of shared prosperity, have not been fortunately repeated. Above and beyond the ‘Hamiltonian moment’ represented by the relatively solidaristic answer to the challenges of the pandemic or the recently approved gas price cap in response to Russian threats, a shift away from economic towards social Europe, that had started under the aegis of the Juncker Commission, has continued unabated under the Von der Leyen Presidency.
If a list of the market-correcting policies supplanting market-making ones is beyond the scope of this summary, as they range from ecological measures such as the European Green Deal to regulatory breakthroughs such as the Digital Markets Act, just a brief look at the social policy domain indicates that a number of initiatives have been pushed forward or are being debated that would have been inconceivable just five years earlier. Planned or definitive legislative acts, such as the Minimum Wage Directive, the Platform Work Directive, the setup of Individual Learning Accounts represent paradigmatic changes in the conception of what a European social model signifies and may influence its design and operation for decades to come. It is in the light of these contrasting developments that the ninth legislative period of the European Parliament needs to be assed.
The main goal of this Section is that of analysing, interpreting and explaining, from a variety of angles and using different methodologies, the challenges impacting upon and the ensuing changes on the EU political system, both at the supranational level and in a multi-level governance perspective. The analytical focus is placed on the EU institutions, actors and public policies. In an illustrative fashion, the Section welcomes contributions exploring:
– the validity of theories of EU integration to explain the more recent changes in the EU political system;
– the assessment of the Europeanisation of the member states, particularly but not only Italy;
– intra-institutional dynamics, such as the reforms adopted by the European Parliament to tackle corruption and limit foreign interferences;
– inter-institutional dynamics and power-relationships between the European Council, the Council of the EU, the Commission and the EP;
– the run-up to the 2024 EP elections and the reform of the electoral law, the Spitzenkandidaten process and policies to protect the integrity of elections;
– the results and consequences of the 2024 EP elections;
– the narratives about the EU in the media and in the public sphere;
– the current fractures between economic and social Europe and between market-making and market-correcting measures;
– the latest developments in the most salient policy fields, such as the labour market, social security and protection, energy capacity, environmental preservation, digitalization and its regulation (the EU Chips Act; the Data Act /Data Governance Act, the eIDAS Regulation, the eIDs, etc.);
– the implementation of the National Resilience and Recovery Plans;
– the tensions between the green transition and the need for energy security;
– the stepping up of security and defence coordination.
– the EU enlargement agenda (Eastern and Southeastern perspectives).
Coordinatori: Francesca Feo, Massimo Prearo
Coordinatori: Chiara Maritato, Susanna Pagiotti, Francesco Strazzari
Religion animates lively debates in different political regimes all over the world. The increased uncertainty resulting from new and old wars, populist drives and renewed ethical debates, reinvigorated the discussion on identity politics, violence and the role played by religion within the public sphere. Moreover, the instrumental use of religious symbols and discourses by political actors emerges in conflicts over the meanings of secularism and secularization.
Attention is therefore drawn to two main facets of this phenomenon, the measures of religious actors actively intervening in the public sphere, and the continuum of uses enacted by non-religious actors to achieve a multiplicity of different material and symbolic purposes, made even more visible in the “platform society”.
Based on this background, the section aims to stimulate interdisciplinary discussion on the role and meanings of religion within the transformation of contemporary political systems with an international and comparative perspective. Within this broad framework, the section therefore encourages proposals for panels and papers useful for investigating and problematizing the relationship between religion, politics and conflicts by addressing one or more research topics from the following non-exhaustive list:
– Public role of religions
– Use of religious symbols/discourses in politics
– Religion, politics and marketing
– Religion and populism
– Churches and political parties
– Religion and (social) media
– Religion and gender
– Religious pluralism
– Religion, rights and freedoms
– Religion and education
– Transnational religious movements
– Religion and international politics
– Religious mobilization and authority between war and peace
– Religious extremism, radicalization and de-radicalization
The Section, promoted by the SISP Standing Group Politics and Religion, fosters interactions and collaborations with scholars from different disciplines, in the logic of an interdisciplinary approach to the topic and contaminations between disciplines.
Panels and papers may be in Italian or in English. Panels may include contributions either with a theoretical perspective or empirical analysis. Methodologically, both qualitative and quantitative research approaches as well as contributions based on mixed-methods research designs are welcomed. In addition, panel proposals that present a comparative perspective are particularly encouraged.
Coordinatori: Giuseppe Ieraci